Jackie Fielder requests three-month leave of absence after mental health crisis

Supervisor Jackie Fielder has requested three months off from attending City Hall meetings following a mental health crisis. Fielder made the request of the clerk of the Board of Supervisors on Tuesday, asking to be excused from board and committee meetings through June. “For personal reasons, I am respectfully requesting that I be excused from the Board of Supervisors,” Fielder wrote. The excusal requires a vote of the board at each meeting. The amount of time off Fielder has requested is nearly unheard of, but so are the supervisor’s recent hardships. Fielder checked into a hospital in late March amid a mental health crisis that led her to publicly consider resignation. She has represented a heavily Latino community amid Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids and weathered a recent investigation into the leak of a confidential memo that led her staff to be interviewed by the city attorney’s office. Her district includes the Mission, Bernal Heights, Potrero Hill, and other neighborhoods. In a statement last week, her staffers said they would continue to provide neighborhood services in Fielder’s absence. Other offices have occasionally dealt with absences such as District 3, which includes Chinatown and North Beach, when Supervisor Danny Sauter went on paternity leave. Last week, supporters left flowers and notes with supportive affirmations outside Fielder’s City Hall office. “Rest is resistance,” one said. “You are needed.”

Sheryl Davis faces 19 criminal charges. Her supporters are still ride or die

Sheryl Davis, a once-renowned figure in San Francisco’s Black community who oversaw the distribution of tens of millions of taxpayer dollars in the post-George Floyd era, had her first day in court Thursday after being arrested on a slew of corruption charges. It didn’t stop her from bringing an entourage. More than two dozen supporters crowded the Hall of Justice hallway, and a handful closed in as a phalanx to block photographers waiting to capture Davis’ entrance to court. Davis was in court to enter a plea on 19 charges — including 17 felonies — related to a corruption scheme she allegedly ran as head of the city’s Human Rights Commission. Her codefendant, James Spingola, who has close personal ties with Davis and once led the nonprofit Collective Impact, has been charged with four counts of felony aiding and abetting a conflict of interest in a government contract. Davis pleaded not guilty to the charges. Her attorney Anthony Brass said they “deny all allegations.” Davis’ supporters remain convinced of her innocence. Margaret Brodkin, former director of the Department of Children, Youth, and Their Families, called the allegations against Davis “flawed and distorted.” “James Spingola and Sheryl Davis are two of the most dedicated and skilled service providers, program developers, and community leaders in the city in many decades,” Brodkin said. “Treating them like criminals is itself a crime.” Also showing up in support was Kevin Ortiz, former president of the San Francisco Latino Democratic Club, who was part of the group that surrounded Davis as she entered the court. Ortiz, who has been accused of sexual misconduct , said he was in court in an official capacity as a paralegal for law firm Quadra & Coll, which is representing Davis in civil matters related to the changes. Most of Davis’ cheering squad declined to speak to The Standard. In the packed courtroom, one woman stuck her middle finger at the group of photographers. Others in the room shot dirty looks at reporters. Davis kept her head high during the proceedings and was seen chewing gum. The charges against Davis stem from her involvement in the Dream Keeper Initiative — a signature program of former Mayor London Breed that was managed by the Human Rights Commission — to bolster programming for the Black community and other nonprofits. The Human Rights Commission investigates discrimination complaints, advises the city leadership on civil rights issues, and works to ensure equal access to city services and contracting. It was merged, along with another scandal-ridden agency, the Department on the Status of Women, into the Agency on Human Rights during Daniel Lurie’s first year as mayor. Prosecutors allege Davis sent nearly $8.5 million in Dream Keeper grants — and other city funds — to Collective Impact despite clear conflicts of interest, including that she and Spingola lived together. The charges also allege that Davis’ son reaped benefits from entities that received Dream Keeper Initiative funds. Davis signed contracts for millions of dollars to the nonprofit Homeless Children’s Network, which paid her son more than $140,000 as a contractor between 2021 and 2024. Those payments were for questionable work and were deposited into a bank account held jointly by Davis and her son, according to court documents. Collective Impact also paid $45,000 on payroll, rent, and graduate school tuition for Davis’ son, prosecutors say. Prosecutors say Davis used a combination of city and Collective Impact funds to pay for personal expenses, including a PR firm promoting her personal brand, marketing her children’s book, and flight upgrades. They also allege she spent hundreds of thousands of dollars in city money on tables and VIP admissions to events in Beverly Hills, Martha’s Vineyard, and New York City. She also directed spending through an entity called Megablack, which District Attorney Brooke Jenkins described as a community initiative with no formal nonprofit status, no leadership structure, and no state registration. Funds raised for Megablack flowed into Collective Impact’s bank accounts, and prosecutors allege Davis steered those dollars toward expenses that the Human Rights Commission — as a city agency — would not have been permitted to make, including paying for musicians, banquets, and a wine-tasting event. Brass said Davis has been forthcoming about her role as a city official with nonprofit connections. “I have a lot of questions about the processes within the mayor’s office and the city attorney’s office,” Brass said. “This is a person who was asking for more transparency. She asked to be audited. She actively wanted to give up her power. And she has proactively announced her conflicts of interest. I’m very curious how they have a criminal case based on her conduct.” Representatives of the Human Rights Commission declined to comment. Davis’ tenure at the Human Rights Commission, which she joined in 2016, ended in 2024 after The Standard reported that she had signed off on city contracts worth at least $1.5 million to Spingola while the two were living together. The revelations created a scandal for Breed, who was in the middle of a reelection bid and said she was aware of the “very close” relationship between Davis and Spingola. The district attorney’s office cited The Standard’s reporting in its arrest warrant. Jenkins said $350,000 of misused funds represents a combination of misappropriated Dream Keeper Initiative funds and Proposition Q funds administered through Davis’ department. Jenkins acknowledged that the total could grow as the investigation continues. The investigation involved more than 50 search warrants and a large volume of emails between Davis and third parties. Jenkins said her office received tips through its Public Integrity Unit and determined that there was sufficient basis to open a criminal investigation, which was launched after Davis had left office. Jenkins declined to say whether Breed had knowledge of the alleged misconduct, noting only that charges were filed against those prosecutors believe committed crimes. She didn’t implicate Breed. “We have to hold government actors accountable,” Jenkins added, “certainly when they are abusing the trust of San Franciscans and abusing taxpayer dollars.” Davis’ arrest followed charges levied against other key figures in the San Francisco nonprofit world. Gwendolyn Westbrook , the former head of a homeless services nonprofit, was accused in February of misappropriating more than $1.2 million in public funds. In 2024, another former nonprofit executive, Kyra Worthy, was charged with 34 felonies for the alleged misuse of $700,000 in public funds. On Thursday, Davis left the courtroom as she entered it, surrounded by supporters. She is due to return May 6.

‘Knife fight’ politics take a mental health toll on SF leaders

Janice Li was riding high in November 2018, freshly elected to the BART board of directors after years of advocacy work for safer streets at the San Francisco Bicycle Coalition. Her victory was decisive, with a 12-point win over her nearest rival. She had earned the right to celebrate. But Li couldn’t bring herself to leave her apartment. The following weeks were marred by panic attacks and anxiety. “There’s no feeling quite like being in elected office and the loneliness that you face,” Li said. Local officials are opening up about how holding office has affected their mental health after Supervisor Jackie Fielder checked into a hospital amid a mental health crisis that led her to publicly consider resignation. Her tenure on the Board of Supervisors has been brief but intense. For just over a year, Fielder has represented a heavily Latino community amid Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids, dealt with a drug crisis that has moved into the heart of her district, and weathered a recent investigation into the leak of a confidential memo that has put her office in the city attorney’s sights. San Francisco politics are often described as a “knife fight in a phone booth,” a phrase coined by David Chiu, now the city attorney. The city’s unique brutality has for decades sharpened politicians — from the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein to Gov. Gavin Newsom — preparing them for higher office. But some say there’s a painful personal cost to San Francisco’s unrelenting gladiatorial politics. It bloodies as many people as it hones. Li has for years spoken frankly about her mental health struggles, while the stigma has held others back. Women, people of color, and queer politicians can face more scrutiny, Li said, especially when they’re young and new to office. But she was determined to not let the pressure end her career. She found solace in a tight-knit friend group of early-career LGBTQ+ Asian politicos, including Board of Education Commissioner Phil Kim and Entertainment Commission member Cyn Wang. That support, therapy, and Li’s own acumen bolstered her continued success on the BART board, where she has served as vice president and president. Now Li reaches out to freshman politicians to ensure that they too enjoy peer support; among them is Ruth Ferguson, 31, whom Mayor Daniel Lurie appointed in January to the City College of San Francisco board of trustees. Ferguson weathered harassment working in the state Legislature in the 2020s, which she reported in formal complaints and called out publicly. But it left her with diagnosed PTSD, which has flared in the San Francisco political fray. In a city proud of its self-described acceptance of people of all backgrounds, and at a time of unprecedented awareness of social inequities, Ferguson experienced even more vitriol, particularly against herself and other women. There’s the everyday condescension, and then there’s the rage. Last month, a local political gadfly wrote to her in a Facebook message calling her a “skank bitch” for backing a ballot measure to institute stricter Board of Supervisors term limits. Comments on Fielder’s mental health crisis and leave from office took a similar disturbing tone. Online trolls accused her of hiding a sexually transmitted disease, and more. “I don’t think it needs to be this way,” Ferguson said. Rigel Robinson was elected to the Berkeley City Council in 2018 and soon faced a similar kind of hate. He was stalked, threatened, and harassed over his support for a housing development near People’s Park. The pressure led him to resign in 2024. He’s now a consultant for the Bay Area Council, working remotely from Paris, where his wife pursues her dream career as a bioengineer. “I treasured my time in elected office and am deeply proud of the work I got done for my city,” he said by text message. “But I am also proud to have left when I did.” Former San Francisco Supervisor Jane Kim, who is running to be state insurance commissioner, said she has seen the city’s hard-knuckle politics drum out good public servants, especially young women. Even the regular practice of updating constituents via social media can make you feel exposed, Kim said. “Whenever I’ve run for office, whenever I’ve been in office, the sensation is you feel raw all the time, like all your skin is peeled off, so the wind is just blowing into your body without any form of protection,” she said. Running a campaign for statewide office is not nearly as stressful as a local race in San Francisco, Kim said, where politicians have far more face time with opponents and critics. San Francisco’s dense, 7x7-mile peninsula means running into opponents three times a night and having lobbyists accost you at restaurants. There’s no escape. Two years after leaving San Francisco public office in 2019, Kim had bloodwork done. Every metric showed that she was far healthier than she had been in years. “Clearly, my body kept receipts,” she said.

Ex-Human Rights Commission head charged in corruption probe; Breed not implicated

San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins announced charges Monday against Sheryl Davis, former executive director of the city’s Human Rights Commission, and James Spingola, former head of the nonprofit Collective Impact, alleging that they misused roughly $350,000 in public funds intended for the Black community. Davis faces 19 criminal counts, including felony misappropriation of public funds and felony perjury by certification. Spingola, who exited Collective Impact in October, is being charged with four counts of felony aiding and abetting a conflict of interest in a government contract. The two lived together as Davis was directing grants to Spingola’s nonprofit. “We have to make sure that we hold everything accountable. Each and every day we file cases involving street crime, but people have to understand that accountability goes beyond what happens on the streets,” Jenkins said Monday, adding that the investigation is ongoing. Davis and Spingola surrendered voluntarily and were booked into San Francisco County Jail, Jenkins said. The charges — a result of an 18-month-long investigation — stem from the Dream Keeper Initiative, a program launched under former Mayor London Breed to funnel money into Black communities, which was managed by the Human Rights Commission. Prosecutors allege Davis steered nearly $8.5 million in Dream Keeper grants — and other city funds — to Collective Impact despite conflicts of interest that should have disqualified her from the decision-making process. Collective Impact and Spingola received more than $3 million in additional funds through the city’s Office of Economic and Workforce Development, prosecutors said. Prosecutors allege Davis had two direct conflicts of interest. First, according to the warrant affidavit, Davis and Spingola have lived together since 2015, share accounts at two banks, and have traveled together, paying for each other’s flights and hotel stays. Spingola wrote monthly rent checks to their landlord from the bank account where his Collective Impact paycheck was deposited, according to prosecutors. “We are not alleging that they even had an intimate relationship,” Jenkins said, adding that the conflict-of-interest charges rest on the entanglement of their finances, not on any theory of a romantic relationship. The second conflict relates to Davis’ continued financial involvement with Collective Impact after joining the Human Rights Commission. Prosecutors allege she remained a signatory on Collective Impact’s bank account, signed checks, authorized reimbursements to herself and used Collective Impact funds to pay Human Rights Commission expenses. Jenkins also alleges that Davis’ son received direct financial benefits from organizations that received Dream Keeper money. Prosecutors say Davis signed four contracts awarding millions of dollars to the nonprofit Homeless Children’s Network while the organization was simultaneously paying her son more than $140,000 as an independent contractor between October 2021 and 2024. Those payments were deposited into a bank account held jointly by Davis and her son, according to the warrant affidavit. Among the payments, prosecutors allege, he received $10,000 for helping the director of Homeless Children’s Network prepare five presentation slides for a panel on which Davis served as moderator and $40,000 for a two-month research project for which he was permitted to determine the scope of his own work. Collective Impact also spent more than $45,000 on behalf of Davis’ son in 2023 and 2024, on payroll, rent, and graduate school tuition, prosecutors said. Jenkins alleged Davis used a combination of city and Collective Impact funds to pay for personal projects, including hiring public relations firms to promote her personal brand and website, promoting and selling her children’s book, and upgrading flights. Prosecutors allege funds were used to purchase tables and VIP admissions to events in Beverly Hills, Martha’s Vineyard, and New York City, costing hundreds of thousands of dollars. Davis also directed spending through an entity called Megablack, described by Jenkins as a community initiative with no formal nonprofit status, no leadership structure, and no registration with the California secretary of state or attorney general’s office. Funds raised for Megablack flowed into Collective Impact’s bank accounts. Prosecutors allege Davis directed those funds toward expenses the Human Rights Commission would not have been permitted to make as a city agency, including payments for music artists, banquets, and a wine-tasting event. Davis’ attorney Tony Brass said she has been forthcoming about her role as a city official with nonprofit connections. “I have a lot of questions about the processes within the mayor’s office and the city attorney’s office,” Brass said. “This is a person who was asking for more transparency. She asked to be audited. She actively wanted to give up her power. And she has proactively announced her conflicts of interest. I’m very curious how they have a criminal case based on her conduct.” Representatives of the Human Rights Commission declined to comment. Davis joined the commission in 2016 and quickly became an important figure in the city’s efforts to economically bolster Black communities. Her role became more prominent in 2021, when Breed launched the Dream Keeper Initiative in response to George Floyd’s murder and placed it under the management of the Human Rights Commission. Davis’ tenure there ended in 2024, when The Standard was first to report that she had signed off on city contracts worth at least $1.5 million to Spingola while the two were living together. The revelations created a scandal for Breed, who was in the middle of a reelection bid and said she was aware of the “very close” relationship between Davis and Spingola. The district attorney’s office cited The Standard’s reporting in its arrest warrant. Jenkins said the $350,000 of misused funds represents a combination of misappropriated Dream Keeper Initiative funds and Proposition Q funds administered through Davis’ department. Proposition Q allows city departments to bypass the need for a contract for the purchase of goods under $10,000. Jenkins acknowledged the total could grow as the investigation continues. Jenkins said the investigation involved more than 50 search warrants served on various entities, along with a large volume of emails between Davis and third parties. She said the probe began after her office received tips through its Public Integrity Unit and determined there was sufficient basis to open a criminal investigation. The investigation was launched after Davis had left office. Jenkins declined to say whether Breed had knowledge of the alleged misconduct, noting only that charges were filed against individuals whom prosecutors believe committed crimes. She did not implicate Breed. “If more comes out, those charges can be changed,” Jenkins said. “More can be added.” “We have to hold government actors accountable,” Jenkins added, “certainly when they are abusing the trust of San Franciscans and abusing taxpayer dollars.” Monday’s arrest follows other charges levied against figures in the San Francisco nonprofit world. Gwendolyn Westbrook , the former head of a homeless services nonprofit, was accused in February of misappropriating more than $1.2 million in public funds. In 2024, another former nonprofit executive, Kyra Worthy, was charged with 34 felonies for the alleged misuse of $700,000 in public funds.

Supervisor Jackie Fielder in the hospital; City Hall hangs in the balance

Supervisor Jackie Fielder is in a hospital in San Francisco following major turmoil in her office and her absence from public meetings for the past two weeks. Fielder told a reporter from The Standard that she was available to speak in person at the hospital. A hospital security guard confirmed that Fielder was in the facility but would not allow the reporter to enter. The Standard has no confirmation of her condition. Fielder has told multiple people that she plans to resign. As of 4:30 p.m. Friday, the Board of Supervisors clerk had no documentation of Fielder’s resignation. A legislative aide shared a statement from Fielder’s office: “Jackie Fielder is going through an acute personal health crisis right now and we are not at liberty to share details, but we appreciate the support people have given us and are proud of her for taking care of herself.” Considered the most left-leaning member of the board, Fielder is known for her advocacy for public banking, tenant protections, and opposition to corporate interests and President Donald Trump’s aggressive immigration policies. This month, she called for an audit of the Sheriff’s Department . Should Fielder’s seat be vacated, the ideological balance of the Board of Supervisors would likely shift, empowering Mayor Daniel Lurie, with whom Fielder often sparred. The mayor would be able to appoint as supervisor a moderate who aligns with his policies on public safety and homelessness and would shield his legislation against vetoes from the board, which requires a supermajority. The rebalance of power would also put more pressure on the 2026 Board of Supervisors elections, where money is already flowing from special interests. “I am sending Supervisor Fielder my best wishes for a speedy recovery. She is a dedicated advocate for her community,” Lurie said in a statement. “I am encouraging everyone to give her the time and space to get better so she can do that work fully.” Anya Worley-Ziegmann, a progressive organizer known for their work with the People’s Budget Coalition and the local Democratic Socialists of America chapter, said Fielder is a key figure in the progressive movement. “It’s hard to put into words what Jackie’s candidacy and time in office means to working-class San Francisco,” Worley-Ziegmann said. “[It’s] always about the movement that she represents.” A progressive who won election in 2024, defeating moderate candidate Trevor Chandler, Fielder represents the Mission, Bernal Heights, and Portola. She ran for state Senate in 2020 but lost to incumbent Scott Wiener. Fielder’s office has seen tumult following a city attorney’s investigation into a reported leak. Feng Han’s employment as an aide in the office ceased March 12, according to the city clerk. Fielder excused herself from at least four board and committee meetings this month, records show. In a statement, City Attorney’s Office spokesperson Jen Kwart wished Fielder a quick recovery. “Our thoughts are with Supervisor Fielder,” Kwart said, “And (we) encourage her to take the time and space necessary to thoroughly consider any potential resignation.” A graduate of Stanford University, Fielder was involved in activism before becoming a supervisor, campaigning against the Dakota Access Pipeline, an oil pipeline that sparked protests during construction. Fielder taught classes at San Francisco State University from 2018 to 2020. She also served as a commissioner and vice chair of the San Francisco Local Agency Formation Commission and was co-director of Stop the Money Pipeline, a campaign that aimed to push back on money going to fossil fuel companies. During the 2024 race, Fielder handily beat her main opponent, Chandler, who ran a moderate campaign.

Muni streetcar crashed into Lurie’s Rivian. Plus: Sunset supe angers YIMBYs

This article is from Power Play, a twice-weekly newsletter rounding up the latest City Hall and local politics gossip. To sign up, visit The Standard’s newsletter page . Mayor Daniel Lurie ’s “ Tussle in the Tenderloin ” this month raised eyebrows and questions about his propensity for hopping out of his vehicle and mixing it up on the street. But another incident, in December, involving the mayor’s security detail and suped-up black Rivian went quietly under the radar. That time, it wasn’t people on the sidewalk who came to blows with Team Lurie but a historic, green San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency streetcar. Video from Dec. 11, obtained by Power Play, shows Lurie’s Rivian colliding with an F-Market & Wharves streetcar heading southbound on Market Street. The $134,000 electric vehicle ( bought and donated to the city by Lurie himself) stops abruptly at the intersection of Octavia Boulevard while turning on its police lights, attempting to make a U-turn at a prohibited left-turn intersection. The streetcar does not have time to stop and collides with the Rivian, pushing it a couple of feet to the left of the road. The train operator reported that someone onboard was injured, according to SFMTA records; however, video shot from inside the streetcar doesn’t appear to show anyone with a serious injury. A records request to the city attorney’s office returned no accident-related injury claims against the city in connection with the event. However, what appeared to be a minor crash turned out to be a surprisingly expensive repair estimate for the streetcar. ( Welcome to San Francisco .) For parts, paint, labor, and lost revenue to the SFMTA, the bill came to a whopping $21,438. That particular streetcar was built in 1946 in San Diego , and the model is in use in few places around the world, meaning SFMTA machinists often have to build parts from scratch . Lurie’s office did not respond to a request for comment about whether he was in the vehicle at the time of the crash. The video doesn’t show him exiting the Rivian after the incident; instead, an unidentified staffer holding what appears to be a blazer jumps out and crosses the street. San Francisco Police Department policy states that lights and sirens should be used “only when an emergency response appears reasonably necessary to prevent serious injury to persons, whether or not a criminal offense is involved.” In an unrelated incident, David Lazar , a former assistant SFPD chief, in an apparent violation of policy, used the lights on his unmarked police car to get around traffic during 2025’s NBA All-Star Weekend, resulting in a crash . So what was the Rivian, driven by SFPD officer Noel Castro , doing with its lights on? SFPD spokesperson Mason Lee said only that it was “for a law enforcement purpose.” He added, “The U-Turn was necessary to prevent or reduce the risk of injury to persons at the scene.” Lee declined to provide additional details but said that an investigation had found that the streetcar operator was at fault for following the Rivian too closely. A streetcar operator who spoke anonymously with Power Play said they usually keep one train’s length (about 60 feet) away from vehicles, and braking can depend on a host of factors, including street conditions and weather. — G.G. and J.F.R. Got tips? Send to us at powerplay@sfstandard.com . WHERE’S MY INVITE: After the embarrassing cancellation of a gubernatorial debate by the University of Southern California (this writer’s alma mater) because of the exclusion of some candidates, a San Francisco congressional candidate is pressuring a media organization over her exclusion from a debate stage. Political activist and former Trump appointee Marie Hurabiell has hired well-traveled election attorney Jim Sutton , who sent a letter to KQED regarding her omission from an upcoming debate. In the letter, Sutton argues that KQED could be at risk of violating the law, noting that nonprofits must exercise caution when excluding candidates and ensure their selection criteria are neutral. “Choosing which candidates may participate in a debate when other candidates may still decide to run … is by definition arbitrary and unreasonable,” Sutton wrote. KQED had previously responded to Sutton that it set a Feb. 23 deadline for participants’ qualification — a cutoff that came two days before Hurabiell announced her candidacy — to allow sufficient time for production. The station claimed that adjusting the deadline for a specific candidate would be inequitable. Another requirement is that candidates must either raise $100,000 or receive contributions from 500 donors in their most recent filing, which was due at the end of 2025 . Peter Cavagnaro , KQED’s communications director, confirmed Wednesday that the decision to exclude Hurabiell remains unchanged and that the organization is committed to a fair, transparent, and substantive event. Hurabiell said the campaign is filing a formal complaint to the Federal Election Commission. The debate is scheduled for Tuesday evening and will feature the other candidates seeking to succeed Rep. Nancy Pelosi : Supervisor Connie Chan , former congressional staffer and software engineer Saikat Chakrabarti , and state Sen. Scott Wiener . — H.L. ON HER OWN: Speaking of Hurabiell, the self-described “commonsense” candidate has done something nonsensical for an aspiring San Francisco politician: She turned down the chance to proclaim the rights of transgender people. A San Francisco Democratic Party proposal to reaffirm the city as a sanctuary for transgender people, authored by local Dems Emma Hare , Peter Gallotta, and Eric Kingsbury , was dutifully endorsed by Wiener, Chakrabarti, and Chan. But not Hurabiell, who has been vocal on X about her anti-trans stance and told Power Play she is neutral on the measure. “I absolutely support defending the rights, safety, and dignity of all San Franciscans. That being said, it’s well known I object to biological males accessing women’s sports or spaces based on self-identification,” she said. For years, Hurabiell has essentially denied the existence of transgender people in tweets we won’t link to here. But such a stance puts her out of step with pretty much every other political player in town, including her close ally Lurie, whose campaign promised to support trans youth. Kingsbury noted that the candidate was out of step with local Dems. “There’s a party that agrees with her,” he quipped. “It’s not the Democratic one.” The SF Democratic Party will vote on the measure at Wednesday’s regular meeting. It’ll likely sail through. Transgender Day of Visibility is March 31. — J.F.R. SUNSET BETRAYAL: The San Francisco YIMBY party endorsed Supervisor Alan Wong for his June reelection bid after he supported a major upzoning effort last year. Now the group feels betrayed. Wong has initiated a petition calling for the cleanup of a toxic plume beneath the 2500 block of Irving Street, an effort that just happens to also target a controversial affordable housing project . Wong and nearby residents say toxic dry-cleaning chemicals — particularly perchloroethylene, or PCE — have been detected in the subsurface soil and in homes. But housing advocates see other dirty motives at work. In a scathing letter , YIMBY blasted Wong’s move as an inflammatory, NIMBY-driven petition, arguing that the alleged public health risks are based on claims that were thoroughly evaluated and disproved during the permitting process. The group also criticized Wong’s decision to oppose a senior affordable housing project at 1234 Great Highway. “We expect better from a city supervisor than peddling NIMBY conspiracy theories and opposing affordable housing projects in his district,” the letter said. It is a rare move for YIMBY to publicly rebuke one of its endorsed candidates, and the group could choose to withdraw its endorsement. Wong said in a statement that the project has already been built and that it is now more about addressing community concerns. “When there is documented evidence of chemical contamination in the surrounding neighborhood, it is understandable that neighbors want more than a narrow, site-only response,” Wong said. — H.L. Clarification: This article has been updated to clarify that the $21,438 repair is an estimate.

4,324 contacts. 236 lobbyists. One very busy City Hall

Who was the most-lobbied San Francisco official in 2025? If you guessed Mayor Daniel Lurie, you chose wrong. It was San Francisco Airport Director Mike Nakornkhet and his staff, who were contacted more than 400 times — almost all by lobbyists for one company: Waymo. That includes 30 times on just one day in November, as the autonomous vehicle maker was pushing to get its robotaxis into SFO. We took a peek inside 2025 Ethics Commission data to better understand the $13.4 million City Hall influence apparatus. San Francisco’s lobbying machine is especially active, insiders say, because of the city’s political prestige and bureaucratic friction. It’s a city for the politically ambitious where it’s also notoriously difficult to get anything done. For comparison, on the other side of Silicon Valley, San Jose had fewer than one-third as many registered lobbyists as San Francisco had last year. San Francisco officials were contacted 4,324 times by lobbyists in 2025, or nearly a dozen times every day. Nearly 40% of those contacts — 1,720 — were related to building permits. Transportation came next, with 955. Human rights ranked last, with only three contacts. Companies large and small rely on lobbyists. The eight-location gym chain SF Fitness hired one who spent all of last year trying to secure building permits for a location at 1600 Jackson St. in Nob Hill, contacting city officials 113 times. Meanwhile, Two Sigma Investments, a $70 billion New York hedge fund, reached out to the San Francisco Employees’ Retirement System no fewer than 99 times — not to influence legislation but to pitch a pension fund investment. For businesses that can afford it, lobbying can feel like a capitalist’s dream. While roughly 236 lobbyists were registered in San Francisco in 2025, a handful of pros dominated the field. Rich Peterson of Lighthouse Public Affairs brought in nearly $2.9 million from 51 clients. Chris Gruwell of New Deal Advisers earned slightly less — $2.6 million — but represented the most clients, with 56. But that doesn’t tell the full story. While San Francisco requires outside lobbying firms to disclose their client lists and fees, large companies often employ full-time in-house staff to influence policy. Those lobbyists are required to report when they contact public officials, but they report only the portion of their salary that corresponds to time spent lobbying, not their full compensation. The true cost of influence at City Hall is a mystery and almost certainly far higher than the numbers suggest. Here are the five companies whose lobbyists contacted San Francisco officials the most in 2025, what they wanted, and whether or not they got it. The busiest companies Waymo: 678 contacts No company worked City Hall harder than Waymo. The robotaxi company, owned by Alphabet, hired lobbyists who contacted public officials more than three times as often as the next busiest client — almost entirely as part of a push to get its vehicles into San Francisco International Airport. Waymo ran two parallel lobbying operations: an outside firm that was paid $10,000 a month and an in-house team that targeted airport staff, the mayor’s office, the city attorney, planning, the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency, the Board of Supervisors, and the Police Department. By year’s end, the company was also playing defense. When a beloved bodega cat died after being struck by a Waymo on Oct. 27, Supervisor Jackie Fielder called for stricter public regulation of robotaxis . In the following weeks, Waymo’s lobbyists contacted seven different supervisors, asking them to oppose any restrictions on autonomous vehicle operations countywide. It all seems to have been worth it. In September, Lurie announced that Waymo had been granted a permit to operate at the airport. By January, the company had begun offering rides to SFO. Meanwhile, Fielder’s call for more robotaxi regulation appears not to have found other takers inside City Hall. “SFO followed a measured and deliberate process to evaluating the permitting of Waymo at the Airport,” a representative for the airport said. “Other companies have also expressed interest in providing autonomous vehicle services at the Airport, and we have engaged with them in a similar, consistent manner.” Union Square Alliance: 207 contacts The business improvement district that manages Union Square spent the year lobbying on multiple fronts: pushing the Powell Street Corridor Improvement Project, campaigning for more police resources and physical barriers to deter retail theft, and trying to bring life back to the neighborhood’s public spaces with food trucks, holiday events, and a Winter Walk street closure. Starting in June, it turned its focus to securing its own future, lobbying the Recreation and Parks Department to extend its contract to manage Union Square Plaza. Teamster Joint Council 7: 203 contacts The Teamsters represent more than 70,000 Bay Area workers, and in 2025 their primary concern was automation. The union monitored autonomous vehicle policy at every city agency that touches transportation — the airport, SFMTA, the mayor’s office, the city attorney — and in July lobbied every member of the Board of Supervisors in support of a ban on commercial deliveries by autonomous vehicles. The union was also fighting to protect San Francisco’s production, distribution, and repair zones — areas set aside for the kind of blue-collar work Teamsters depend on — from encroachment by tech companies seeking permits for laboratories and outdoor testing. When DoorDash sought to use an industrial site in the Mission to test delivery drones, Teamsters appealed the city’s approval and lobbied the Board of Supervisors, coming out victorious . In December, the board approved legislation requiring companies to obtain a conditional-use permit before converting outdoor PDR spaces for testing purposes. Pacific Gas and Electric: 148 contacts PG&E spent the year meeting with Lurie’s office sometimes multiple times a week, pitching itself as a reliable partner on service planning and long-term grid capacity — seemingly in an attempt to fight off San Francisco’s ongoing effort to municipalize its electrical grid . Then, a major power outage that began Dec. 20 sent PG&E lobbyists scrambling into the new year, with three contacts to the mayor’s office on Jan. 2 alone. The company brought in a new lobbyist to manage the fallout and began making the rounds to every relevant city agency. Hines: 142 contacts The Texas real estate giant responsible for building the Salesforce tower spent 2025 grinding through the permitting process for one of the most significant development opportunities downtown: the old PG&E headquarters at 77 Beale St., a sprawling Financial District property where Hines plans to build the city’s tallest building. Lobbyists contacted the Planning Department, the city attorney, the Office of Economic and Workforce Development, the Department of Building Inspection, the Fire Department, and Public Works. The most-contacted officials Nakornkhet’s office was contacted far more than any other agency or official. Lurie came second, with 297 contacts to his office, most from PG&E, Union Square Alliance, and Waymo. The Board of Supervisors was lobbied more than any city department, and Matt Dorsey of District 6 — a major area of development — was contacted the most. Dorsey was also lobbied by the SF Deputy Sheriff’s Association more than any other supervisor. Fielder, who represents District 9, was contacted by the Teamsters more than any other supervisor. Waymo didn’t contact her once. City planner Corey Teague fielded contacts from a range of corporate rezoning campaigns, all the way down to advocates for a pickleball court. So what about AI? San Francisco is home to the world’s most powerful AI companies, but aside from Waymo, their City Hall lobbying footprint was modest in 2025. Anthropic spent $80,000 hiring lobbyist Alex Tourk at $20,000 a month to meet with the mayor’s office, SFPD, and city HR to pitch a partnership with Claude. OpenAI, which used the same lobbyist in 2024 to support business tax reform, filed no contacts of city officials in 2025. For now, it appears Bay Area-based AI companies are more focused on lobbying at the federal and state levels, where policies could dictate their futures. This story has been updated to include comment from SFO.

A dildo pic, a strip show, and misused funds: Lawsuit details toxic police watchdog agency

A former employee of the Department of Police Accountability is suing the agency, accusing its chief of misappropriating funds, failing to address racist text messages, and crossing professional boundaries by holding a strip show at work and showing a picture of a sex toy. In the lawsuit , filed Tuesday in San Francisco Superior Court, Janelle Caywood claims she was fired from the watchdog agency by Executive Director Paul Henderson as retaliation for raising the issues with the city. Caywood was employed by the agency from December 2018 to August 2025 as an attorney and policy director. The civilian-staffed agency is tasked with investigating police misconduct and officer-involved shooting incidents, reviewing police policies, and auditing the SFPD. But the DPA’s own internal culture has been called into question amid resignations, firings, and claims of wrongdoing. Caywood’s complaint describes an environment of favoritism, retaliation, and off-color jokes that often veered into harassment. Soon after starting at the agency, Caywood claims, her boss, Henderson, gave hemorrhoid medication to his receptionist as a joke during an office holiday party. A few months later, Henderson told Caywood about a sex party his ex-partner took part in and punctuated the anecdote by showing her an image of a dildo, the suit says. In 2023, Caywood claims, Henderson organized a drag queen strip show at the office and told interns to bring dollar bills. Caywood, who says she suffers from PTSD, claims Henderson and another manager, Nicole Armstrong, joked about her disability by saying she had hidden in a bathroom during a fire alarm. After an all-hands meeting at which employees were encouraged to express their concerns in a “safe space,” Caywood says, she was fired for alleged insubordination and being argumentative and disrespectful. Soon after her firing, Caywood claims, staff at the agency lost confidence in Henderson’s leadership. Members of an SFPD working group wrote to the head of the Police Commission to ask that she be reinstated. Some Department of Police Accountability employees have defended Henderson. In a letter from August, nearly a dozen staffers wrote to Mayor Daniel Lurie and Paul Yep, who was serving as interim police chief, describing Henderson as exhibiting “exemplary leadership” and claiming that a “small minority of employees” were seeking to undermine the executive director. Henderson, who has led the agency since 2018, denied wrongdoing. “I categorically deny the allegations made against me and find them offensive to my reputation and proven work history. The city will respond vigorously to this lawsuit in court,” he said in a statement. Attorneys for Caywood declined to comment. A spokesperson for the city attorney’s office, Jen Kwart, said only, “Once we are served, we will review the complaint and respond in court.” In the lawsuit, Caywood claims her issues with management began after she was promoted to policy director. She repeatedly reported to the Police Commission that the department was regularly late in updating SFPD policies and had failed to alert the commission after creating new rules on covert social media accounts. Her actions, the suit alleges, led to Henderson demoting her in retaliation. While working in a new role as a team attorney for a group of investigators, Caywood faced harassment from her supervisor, Diana Rosenstein, the suit claims. Caywood claimed Rosenstein unfairly targeted her team of mostly minority employees with biased criticism. She said that her complaints were ignored and that Rosenstein told coworkers she hoped Caywood would quit. When confronted, Rosenstein allegedly said, “Don’t bother going to [Henderson] — he doesn’t care, and I’m not going anywhere.” In October 2023, Rosenstein allegedly submitted under Caywood’s name a disciplinary report about an SFPD officer. Caywood claimed she had nothing to do with the report and notified Chief of Staff Sharon Woo and Chief Assistant Attorney Marshall Khine, but no action was taken. Woo denied the allegations,” which she described as “really salacious.” Khine, Armstrong, and Rosenstein did not respond to repeated requests for comment. Following a November 2024 settlement conference at which Police Commission President Judge Clay disagreed with Rosenstein about an allegation made against an officer, Caywood received racist text messages from Rosenstein about Clay, the suit claims. Caywood alleges that Rosenstein wrote that the commissioner was an “Uncle Tom,” and “He and Clarence Thomas can go to hell.” Rosenstein’s text also said that it was “disappointing to see a black man act like this. He should be ashamed,” according to the suit. Caywood reported the text messages, and the city’s Department of Human Resources opened an investigation. Caywood claims that when Rosenstein resigned in December 2024 amid these scandals, agency leadership blamed her. At one point, Caywood felt Woo was intimidating her and asked to be moved to reduce contact with her boss. Soon after, Caywood wrote to the mayor and the head of the city’s HR department to inform them about the toxic work environment at the DPA. The suit says Caywood filed a whistleblower complaint with the city in February 2025, alleging a toxic workplace and claiming that Henderson misappropriated funds. She accused Henderson of diverting funds intended for other purposes to his friends in the department through raises. One of the people who allegedly received the funds was his chief of staff, Woo. Caywood gave a city investigator billing records backing up her claim, the lawsuit says. The suit is the latest example of tumult at the DPA. In July 2024, an anonymous staff survey obtained by The Standard described a hostile, cutthroat agency akin to the TV show “Game of Thrones.” According to a survey conducted by the department’s union, SEIU 1021, nine of the 13 investigators reported that the agency’s workplace was hostile. Survey respondents also accused department leaders of stalling investigations, micromanaging, and, in some cases, ignoring relevant evidence to suit biased conclusions. The DPA was established in 1982 as the Office of Citizen Complaints. The agency has 36 employees, and its budget this year is $8.9 million.

Ex-mayors Breed, Brown, Agnos, Jordan weigh in on Lurie’s Tenderloin squabble

This article is from Power Play, a twice-weekly newsletter rounding up the latest City Hall and local politics gossip. To sign up, visit The Standard’s newsletter page . Mayor Daniel Lurie ’s Tenderloin takedown incident is the video seen ’round San Francisco, with good reason — it’s not every day you see the mayor’s police escort bodyslammed like Dwayne Johnson giving Stone Cold Steve Austin the ol’ Rock Bottom . Some say the incident is a direct consequence of Lurie’s habit of personally engaging with people in crisis on city streets, particularly in the Tenderloin (a practice voters tend to love) . In this case, the mayor allegedly hopped out of his black SUV, approached 44-year-old Tony Phillips and other men in the street, and urged them to move. It didn’t go over well. This got Power Play thinking: Have other San Francisco mayors found themselves in the same position? Of the four living elected San Francisco mayors who responded to our queries (Gov. Gavin Newsom didn’t answer a request for comment), none deigned to critique Lurie’s actions. All, however, said that nothing, anywhere close, ever happened to them. Da Mayor, Willie Brown , was unequivocal: He never went to the Tenderloin to engage with homeless folks. “No,” he said. “I had a job to do. My job was to make the city what the city became under my leadership. I felt it important enough to work every hour of the day on that.” He added, “I didn’t feel it necessary to do an assessment on the city streets. But that’s a choice you can make.” Frank Jordan , Art Agnos, and London Breed had the opposite take, agreeing that burning shoe leather is central to the gig, especially in the Tenderloin. None of them said they ever felt unsafe, though. “Many people in the Tenderloin, including those who were struggling, would stop to talk, say hello, or even walk alongside us to protect me and my detail,” Breed said. “There was always a sense of respect.” Agnos said his SFPD detail had to intervene once. The mayor apparently tried to throw hands at an activist provocateur who was angling angrily toward Agnos’ 7-year-old in Golden Gate Park. “It was a father’s instinct, I wasn’t thinking like a mayor or anything else,” he said. Jordan had a few advantages over other mayors in staying safe. As a former police chief he knew how to handle himself in a scuffle, and he had practice relating to folks on the street. “Give them a hand up, rather than a lecture,” he said. But, more importantly, his mayoral ride had a siren. And you better believe he gave them the ol’ wee-oo-wee-oo. Jordan put it a bit more maturely. “It would rotate in red, to give you a sense of authority.” Brown’s recollection of his sole violent run-in was perhaps less threatening but dramatic in its own way. He was pied in the face by activists three times during a 49ers-related press conference. (For the dessert record, they were cherry, pumpkin, and tofu pies. Yes, tofu.) “Everyone forgets” about the pie-ing, Brown said. And the activists said they gave Brown the clown treatment for failing to do exactly what landed Lurie in this situation — accusing Brown of riding limousines, not walking the streets and speaking to people without homes. When you’re mayor, it seems, you’re damned if you do and damned if you don’t. — Joe Fitzerald Rodriguez Got tips? Send to us at powerplay@sfstandard.com . THE SHERIFF SHUFFLE : The voter-approved San Francisco Sheriff Oversight Board was created in 2020 after scandals inside the city’s jail revealed serious mistreatment of inmates. Since its inception, the board has been beset by petty internal squabbles, mayors who don’t seem to want to fund it, and an inability to keep, or rehire, its independent inspector general. Which might explain why Supervisor Jackie Fielder this week called for a top-to-bottom audit of Sheriff Paul Miyamoto ’s agency. The latest snafu centers around Julie Soo , a former president and current member of the Oversight Board, who threw a bureaucratic bomb that could further stall the body’s long-awaited hiring of a new inspector general. Since the first IG, Terry Wiley , left his post for a gig on the Alameda Superior Court bench, the Department of Police Accountability has been heading up investigations into sheriff misconduct cases. On March 6, Soo told the body that it must pause its search for Wiley’s replacement. Why? Someone in the mayor’s office said so, she explained. The directive, which the mayor’s office said was a request, came after the city had hired a recruiting firm and closed the period for applications for the position — and despite the law that created the body giving it sole power to hire and fire its IG. “I have received two calls from the mayor’s office, and I have been asked to put this process on pause because of the uncertainties of the budget,” Soo, a lawyer, told the Oversight Board. “I don’t know what else I can do.” A visibly befuddled William Palmer , president of the board, asked Soo and the city attorney if they could talk after the meeting. “If the mayor’s office or anyone asks for a decision on anything board-related, I’d like to be notified and involved,” Palmer said. “The mayor’s office may not know that you are no longer president.” Palmer was not alone in his confusion. Board member Diane Lozano asked why the body couldn’t start vetting the candidates it has already received, to which Soo responded by repeating what the mayor’s office had told her. The matter ended with a back-and-forth between Soo and Palmer, which led Soo to stomp out of the room, and Palmer to tell her she was “dismissed.” Then, on Thursday, a misconduct complaint was sent to the Ethics Commission by the board’s secretary, Dan Leung , claiming that Palmer has been disrespectful and hostile to Soo, neglects his duty by failing to respond to vital communications, and has used his position at least twice to “attempt to leverage his official title to evade traffic violations.” The letter went on to say that such failures of leadership could be used by city leadership to disband or restructure the body. Palmer and Soo did not respond to requests for comment. Neither did the mayor’s office, other than to verify that it had, in fact, spoken to Soo. — Jonah Owen Lamb PRESTON’S PRESS : Add one more local news site to your bookmarks list: Former Democratic Socialist Supervisor Dean Preston has started PUML , pronounced “pummel” and standing for Punch Up Media Lab, which seeks to amplify “working-class perspectives that corporate media ignores.” “The goal is to counter the rise of corporate disinformation and improve the city for everyday people,” Dean wrote in a text to Power Play. “We work with dozens of Bay Area-based creators who contribute ideas and content.” The site has published half a dozen articles so far. The most recent, “The Honeymoon is over: Lurie scandals are mounting and finally getting attention,” lists 10 of the mayor’s perceived stumbles — like Beya-gate and receiving praise from former Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem . “A year in, and no matter how much he spends on PR, the mayor’s scandals and unforced errors are becoming too big for the media to ignore,” the article states. Other articles discuss the city’s budget, rent control, overdose deaths, and President Donald Trump ’s stance on homelessness and how it apparently dovetails with the approaches of Lurie and Newsom. The articles don’t have bylines, and Preston didn’t say who was writing them. “Our content has been very collaborative. It’s given us a lot of hope through these dark times,” he said, adding that he worked with independent journalists and content creators for months to launch the site. PUML is also trying to make some money: You can pay $60 a year to be a “supporter,” $120 for the title of “amplifier,” and $240 for the esteemed “narrative shifter.” Preston did not say how many subscribers he’d pummeled into submission so far. — Gabe Greschler OLD VS. YOUNG: San Francisco voters will soon decide whether some former politicians can appear on the ballot again, as Proposition B would impose stricter term limits for the mayor and Board of Supervisors, allowing them to serve only two terms total. An organized opposition has formed a political committee called “No Lifetime Ban,” led by City College board trustee and former teachers union president Susan Solomon . Several prominent figures have joined the effort, including former mayors Brown and Agnos. Former Gov. Jerry Brown has also spoken out against the measure, and his name appears in the opposition argument. “As California’s youngest, oldest, and longest-serving governor in modern history, Jerry Brown knows that experience matters. He also knows an anti-democratic, Trumpian idea when he sees one,” the statement said. Other former supervisors who have signed onto the opposition include Sandra Lee Fewer , Norman Yee , Michela Alioto-Pier , Tom Ammiano , Bevan Dufty , and Mark Leno . Notably absent from the list is the outspoken former supervisor Aaron Peskin , the only member to have served more than two terms. Peskin could not be reached for comment. Supporters of the measure have formed their own committee, “San Franciscans for Term Limit Reform.” Adrianna Zhang , a term-limit proponent, thanked the “last generation” but said the city needs “fresh energy.” Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi voted in favor of the ballot measure in the Democratic County Central Committee meeting. The group has raised about $240,000 so far. The opposition committee has not reported fundraising totals. — Han Li

Conservative agitator raises new alarms about SF initiative to support Black community

One of the city’s most controversial publicly funded programs is under renewed scrutiny after a conservative activist published a takedown in a right-leaning journal. Christopher Rufo — whose bona fides include influencing the ouster of a Harvard University president and offering a reward to prove that Haitian migrants in Ohio ate cats — this week published a story in City Journal titled “Inside San Francisco’s racialist slush fund.” In it, Rufo admonished Mayor Daniel Lurie and the city for potentially spending public funds on organizations that could violate civil rights law by operating race-based programs. The article dwells on nonprofits supported by the city’s Dream Keeper Initiative, which was created in 2021 to serve Black and other underserved communities but was shelved after a series of corruption scandals involving its administrator. The nonprofit’s mission of providing services to the city’s declining Black population was continued under Lurie through the Human Rights Commission. The commission is in the process of selecting recipients for $36 million in funding to be allocated over three years. Rubo called for a federal investigation into the program and suggested that taxpayer funds would be misspent on “ancient Egyptian healing rituals” and “massage therapy.” The story triggered an online firestorm. Harmeet Dhillon, head of the U.S. Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division and a former San Francisco attorney, reacted on X with a post that said simply: “What.” The Department of Justice said it would not comment on the existence or status of an investigation. Lurie’s office referred questions to the city attorney’s office, which defended the Human Rights Commission. “San Francisco designs its programs and policies to be open and available to all,” the city attorney’s office said in a statement. Rufo appears to have latched onto a list of organizations that have passed the initial review for getting funding from the Human Rights Commission, which oversees the request for proposals and issuance of the grants. Sources within City Hall said none of those funding choices have been finalized. On Feb. 9, the commission released a list of groups and programs that had received initial approval for this year’s funding. The document states that services are intended for communities “including but not limited to” specific racial and ethnic groups — phrasing meant to ensure inclusivity. However, some of the nonprofits featured in Rufo’s article appear to focus on particular communities. For example, SisterWeb, which addresses pregnancy- and birth-related health inequities experienced by Black women, is set to receive $600,000 over two years. Its eligibility criteria note that clients should self-identify as Black, but no one will be turned away because of their race. Rufo’s article also highlighted Because Black Is Still Beautiful, one of the organizations listed for initial approval, which has hosted events offering massage therapy and African ancestry DNA testing to formerly incarcerated Black women. A basic Google search shows the group offering massage services at past events, but it’s unclear if public funding was involved. Representatives of neither group responded to requests for comment. Mawuli Tugbenyoh, executive director of the Human Rights Commission, also declined to comment. Rufo also criticized Lurie for campaigning as a moderate but supporting the Dream Keeper Initiative. During the run-up to the 2024 election, The Standard learned that the program’s administrator, Sheryl Davis, was sharing a home with a nonprofit executive whose organization had received millions of dollars in Dream Keeper contracts. Lurie responded to the scandal by stating that his predecessor, Mayor London Breed, who was friends with Davis, had “handed a blank check to her closest allies with zero oversight.” Since becoming mayor, Lurie has walked a careful line by supporting the Dream Keeper Initiative while also merging the Human Rights Commission, which oversaw the program, and the Department on the Status of Women, another scandal-plagued agency, into a single department. Sources within City Hall said nonprofits may describe a range of activities on their websites or fund those activities through other sources, but the city maintains that its contracts contain clear language specifying what public funding can be used for.

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SF Civil Grand Jury

The Abatement Appeals Board provides a final review process for City permitting decisions. It ensures fair and efficient adjudication of permit-related disputes before an impartial panel. The board holds authority to make binding decisions on appeals concerning notices of abatement.

Abatement Appeals Board

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Abatement Appeals Board Commissioner 2

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The Access Appeals Commission provides final reviews for a wide range of City permitting decisions. It ensures an efficient, fair, and expeditious permit issuance process through an impartial panel. The commission holds authority to make binding decisions on appeals related to City permits.

Access Appeals Commission

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The Adult Day Health Care Planning Council advises on the development and improvement of adult day health care services. It provides expertise in healthcare planning, policy recommendations, and program evaluation. Key responsibilities include assessing community needs and advising on service delivery enhancements.

Adult Day Health Care Planning Council

Adult Probation Department supervises individuals on probation and facilitates their reintegration into the community. It provides reentry and rehabilitative services, including victim restitution and financial assistance for crime victims. The department values public safety, offender rehabilitation, and community partnerships.

Cristel Tullock

The Advisory Committee of Street Artists and Crafts Examiners evaluates arts and crafts applicants and monitors program compliance. It conducts studio visits and public screenings to ensure adherence to established criteria. Members also revise program criteria and undertake additional tasks as needed.

Advisory Committee of Street Artists and Crafts Examiners

The Advisory Council on Human Rights advises on anti-discrimination laws and racial equity initiatives. It provides expertise on reparations and public policy impacts on Black communities. It guides efforts to establish partnerships with Historically Black Colleges and Universities in San Francisco.

Advisory Council on Human Rights

San Francisco Airport manages air traffic operations and ensures safe aircraft movement. It provides parking facilities and maintains airport infrastructure to accommodate travelers and staff. The department oversees ground transportation and coordinates with airlines for efficient passenger services.

Mike Nakornkhet

The Airport Commission oversees policy and strategic planning for San Francisco International Airport. It makes key decisions on airport development projects and financial management. It ensures compliance with regulations and collaborates on initiatives like terminal naming.

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Malcolm Yeung

Jose F. Almanza

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Susan Leal

Airport Director

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Virginia Donohue

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The San Francisco Arts Commission oversees the integration of arts into city life and ensures public access to cultural experiences. It makes decisions on public art programs and allocates grants to support local artists and performances. The commission actively shapes policies affecting the arts ecosystem in San Francisco.

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Debra Walker

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J Riccardo Benavides

Nabiel Musleh

Charles (Chuck) Collins

Lydia So

Arts Commission Commissioner 15

San Francisco Arts Commission invests in a vibrant arts community and shapes cultural policy. It enlivens the urban environment through public art programs and supports diverse artistic expressions. The commission facilitates meetings and discussions to engage the community in cultural development.

Ralph Remington

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The Asian Art Commission determines policy and administers the Asian Art Museum of San Francisco. It oversees museum operations and collaborates with the Asian Art Museum Foundation on fundraising efforts. Commissioners ensure the museum's strategic direction and financial sustainability.

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Asian Art Commission Commissioner 27

Asian Art Museum showcases Asian art and culture through exhibitions and educational programs. It offers diverse collections and hosts special events to engage the community. The museum fosters cultural appreciation and understanding by providing access to its extensive art collections.

Dr. Soyoung Lee

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The Assessment Appeals Board #1 hears property tax assessment appeals in San Francisco. It evaluates evidence presented by taxpayers and the Assessor to determine property values. The Board has the authority to make final decisions on assessments regardless of property type or value.

Assessment Appeals Board #1

Assessment Appeals Board #1 Commissioner 1

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Richard Lee

Stephen Wasserman

Adena Gilbert

Paul Bellar

Quirina Mitchell

Hilary Winslow

The Assessment Appeals Board #2 adjudicates property tax assessment appeals for San Francisco taxpayers. It evaluates evidence presented by taxpayers and the Assessor to determine accurate property values. The Board exercises authority to render final decisions on residential properties and specific real estate assessments.

Assessment Appeals Board #2

Assessment Appeals Board #2 Commissioner 1

Assessment Appeals Board #2 Commissioner 2

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Claire Ervin Lee

Louisa Mendoza

Joyce Lewis

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Michelle Domingo

The Assessment Appeals Board #3 provides a platform for San Francisco taxpayers to contest property tax assessments. It conducts hearings where evidence from both taxpayers and the Assessor is evaluated. The Board makes binding decisions on property assessments based on presented evidence.

Assessment Appeals Board #3

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 1

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Marc Dickow

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Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 8

Assesses property, applies exemptions, collects transfer taxes, and records official documents.

Assessor-Recorder

Joaquín Torres

The Ballot Simplification Committee ensures voter materials are clear and understandable. It reviews and revises ballot language to accurately reflect propositions and measures. The committee advises on simplifying complex legal and technical terms for voter comprehension.

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The Bayview Hunters Point Citizens Advisory Committee provides policy advice on planning and land use matters in Zone 2 of Bayview Hunter's Point. It offers expertise in land use policies, zoning issues, and urban development. The committee advises the Board of Supervisors, City Boards, and commissions on relevant projects and initiatives.

Bayview Hunters Point Citizens Advisory Committee