5 takeaways from The Standard’s investigation into Lurie’s permit project

Obtaining a business or residential permit in San Francisco is like that check-engine light on your car: a big fix that you keep putting off, even though you need to do it. Since taking office in January 2025, Mayor Daniel Lurie has attempted to bring the city’s byzantine permitting system into the shop, promising a one-stop, modernized platform, PermitSF, that would make life easier for residents and businesses. But an investigation by The Standard reveals that the project has faced significant setbacks. Former employees of OpenGov, the firm hired to oversee the overhaul under controversial circumstances , said the govtech company had internal doubts about the city’s deadlines. City employees said the software, which was procured through a no-bid contract, lacks critical features that have led to delays in the permitting revamp — criticism that mirrors concerns voiced last summer when the mayor’s office was choosing software for the project. Lurie had given the city a year to get a new permitting system up and running, and his office said OpenGov was the only company that could meet the aggressive timeline. OpenGov’s $5.9 million contract with the city — eight times higher than the average new software contract procured through no-bid contracts — was supposed to deliver a full slate of permits on the new platform by March. Roughly two months later, less than half are available on the website. “It’s been amateur hour, to be honest. I’ve never seen anything like this before,” one city worker told The Standard. “The ability to spin absolute failures as success is absolutely wild to me.” The mayor’s office is defending its progress, all while seeking a renewal of the OpenGov contract that will go before the Civil Service Commission on Monday. Here are five takeaways from The Standard’s story. The city chose OpenGov because it could meet deadlines After OpenGov was selected by the mayor’s office through an unconventional no-bid process last summer, The Standard reported on some unusual circumstances of the contract, including links between company executives, the mayor, and Tipping Point Community, the nonprofit Lurie founded. The city’s justification for not conducting a formal bidding process was that OpenGov was the only govtech firm that could meet the deadline. But that bet hasn’t borne out. The company was supposed to deliver 15 types of permits — from bathroom and kitchen remodels to fire alarm and sprinklers — to the new PermitSF system by March 16. Today, only seven are available online. OpenGov says the rest will be delivered by June, but a city official told The Standard not to expect everything to be completed until the end of summer. The contract renewal is facing pushback The city is seeking a new, $6.5 million, six-year contract with OpenGov that would lock the permitting system into the software for the foreseeable future. While the first year of the contract has faced hiccups, city officials admitted to The Standard, they claim future iterations of the software will offer more flexibility. That hasn’t stopped some from trying to put the kibosh on the contract extension. IFPTE Local 21, the public-sector union that represents more than 13,000 city workers, claims that the software lacks critical features and isn’t being integrated properly with the city workforce. On May 4, the Civil Service Commission, the body overseeing the approval of the contract, voted unanimously to push the renewal hearing to Monday after asserting that the city had not provided the required documentation showing union objections. The contract is also subject to the Board of Supervisors' approval. This isn’t the first time Lurie has missed an important deadline During his 2024 campaign for mayor, Lurie promised to create 1,500 shelter beds in the first six months of his term, a signature proposal that helped propel him into City Hall. Almost immediately, there were signs that this would not come to fruition: In January 2025, a homelessness adviser to Lurie told The Standard that his 1,500-bed commitment was a rhetorical “ slip up .” By July, as the six-month mark approached, the mayor dropped the ambitious plan and said he would instead focus on a smaller number of “the right beds,” while directing city agencies to tackle drug addiction and mental health issues. The promises surrounding PermitSF carry similarities to the shelter rollout. However, in this case, the city has been able to release a small, working product with OpenGov instead of scrapping the project entirely. Staff have been frustrated by the software’s lack of features When the mayor’s office was searching for software to overhaul the permitting system last summer, staffers raised concerns about OpenGov’s capabilities, saying its features had “gaps so significant” that it “shouldn’t be considered.” Those concerns continue, with one city worker telling The Standard the city is effectively subsidizing OpenGov’s research and development department. City staffers have created a list of more than 50 problems with the software, according to a document obtained by The Standard, including a lack of integration with the existing system and gaps in the permissions of who can edit data. OpenGov employees backed up the city workers’ assertions; one said the company can handle roughly 25% of what its govtech competitors can do. PermitSF is making some workers’ jobs easier All the criticism doesn’t diminish the fact that some city workers are pleased with the new OpenGov platform. The Standard spoke with two members of SF Planning who described a program that, while limited in the types of permits it can issue, has made their jobs better. “We do the same type of review, we do the same type of back and forth with applicants,” said staffer Dakota Spycher. “It’s just all in one system. We don’t have to write on [a] physical form. We don’t have to enter information into a system that was created in the ’90s, and we don’t have to create a new record ourselves. So it’s really streamlined.” But there remains a wide variety of permits to transfer to the OpenGov platform. The city has hundreds of permit types, and many are much more complicated than the ones that have been modernized. Whether Lurie’s project can execute on those remains to be seen.

Inside Ezra Klein’s abundance-pilled CA governor’s debate

Most people would not consider ADUs, bonding capacity, and prevailing wage policy to be juicy conversation topics for a fun Friday night out. We somehow ended up in a room full of exceptions to that rule. Housing affordability is the defining issue of the next Governor’s race and on a beautiful spring evening less than a month before the primary, just across the street from Oakland’s Lake Merritt, hundreds of people packed into the Henry J. Kaiser Center to watch the five top Democratic candidates duke it out over who had the best solutions to the state’s most unsolvable problem. The line snaked around the recently renovated venue. Call it Bonnaroo for those building “backyard casitas,” or Coachella for takes on modular housing. The crowd was predominantly think-tank employees, academics, lobbyists, and other young-ish professionals in horn-rimmed glasses. Two lovebirds (an architect and a fundraiser for an environmental nonprofit) were even there on a date. It was not a debate, moderator and neoliberal heartthrob Ezra Klein insisted, but a forum for substantive policy discussion. The housing crisis is at emergency levels, with the state facing soaring homelessness, scores of residents fleeing over high costs, and residential construction stubbornly stuck despite more than 100 laws meant to cut red tape and build faster. Buffy Wicks, an East Bay state Assemblymember and perhaps the most stridently “pro-housing” California lawmaker besides Sen. Scott Wiener kicked off the festivities with a fiery speech. “Hello housers!” she said, greeting the audience before explaining how we got here: “Our housing hell was paved with very good intentions.” The event featured the top-polling Democrats still in the race: Tom Steyer, Xavier Becerra, Katie Porter, Matt Mahan, and Antonio Villaraigosa. “One of these candidates is going to be our next governor,” Wicks said. “They are not going to be perfect, they’re going to make mistakes, but will they be willing to break some glass to advance a pro-housing agenda?” The audience roared. Although the event was billed as nonpartisan, notably absent were the two leading Republican candidates: former Fox News host Steve Hilton and Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco. Organizers said both declined to come. If you’ve read this far, you’ve clearly read (or listened to a podcast about) “Abundance,” so here’s a rundown of the highlights. Katie Porter stands up to labor In a rizz-deficient lineup, many observers pointed to the former Southern California congresswoman as perhaps the most charismatic candidate on the issue. Porter was the only candidate onstage to say union labor had become an obstruction to housing construction. “I do not think today is the time to do prevailing wage on residential housing,” Porter said. “I am not scared of anybody because I have three teenagers and I don’t want them to be living on my couch.” Translation: California should not require developers to pay workers the prevailing wage to build housing. Porter’s argument is that cutting labor costs will have to play a pivotal role in bringing down the cost of construction even if it’s politically toxic to do so . Becerra insisted that carpenters should be able to afford the houses they build. Pressed on what else could bring construction costs down, the former Biden official blamed the Trump tariffs and the war in Iran before landing on cutting red tape and reducing local fees. Housing experts observed after the event that while Becerra has a ways to go before joining their ranks, his lack of expertise does not disqualify him from the governorship — the important thing, they said, is that the governor listens to the right people. A carrot or stick measuring contest Much of the debate — excuse us, forum — centered on how the state should hold municipal governments accountable for when they don’t produce enough new homes. Becerra came in tough, flexing his bona fides as a former state attorney general unafraid to sue city governments into compliance. He name-checked Huntington Beach and San Mateo as examples. Others thought litigation wasn’t the best tool to get more projects off the ground. Mahan, the mayor of San Jose, said the threat of the builder’s remedy was an important accountability tool against bad actors, but should only be used as a last resort. “I think the next governor cannot bring a lawyer mindset to this problem,” Mahan said. Steyer, who wore a suit and white Nike sneakers, favored the carrot over the stick, saying he would generate $20 billion each year for housing (along with healthcare, education, and infrastructure) by closing a “corporate tax loophole.” He would use the money to reward cities that built enough housing instead of suing noncompliant ones into submission. “Lawsuits don’t get things done, money will,” Steyer said. “If you can build housing now, you get money. If you can’t, you don’t.” Looking backward for solutions Abraham Lincoln purportedly lived in boarding houses throughout his young adulthood. The government built large-scale housing after World War II and the G.I. Bill helped mint a generation of first-time home owners. All night, the candidates waxed nostalgic about past eras when interim housing was widely embraced in America and the federal government played an active role in investing in public welfare. They all agreed that money should flow to those most in need — namely, the poor and developers. Porter said that the most effective way to keep people from falling into homelessness would be to just give them cash. Oftentimes, she said, households need only a “handful of money” to bridge the gap between paying rent and buying food. Mahan bragged that San Jose’s temporary housing sites and no encampment zones, while controversial , are helping to reduce homelessness in the city. He also said the state should be buying and preserving older affordable housing stock. Antonio Villaraigosa’s book club The last time former Los Angeles Mayor Villaraigosa held elected office was in 2013. Since then, an entire Golden State Warriors dynasty has risen and fallen. But at least he’s staying up-to-date on his reading. Villaraigosa referenced Klein and Derek Thompson’s book “Abundance” on stage three separate times. It got to the point where Klein had to tell him to calm down, eliciting chuckles from the crowd. The candidate’s resume has been on the shelf so long it’s started to yellow, and there’s only so much hay you make out of Obama-era political achievements. (Villaraigosa claimed to have personally told Obama that the federal government should give cities low-cost loans to build housing near transit.) Where he did stand out was in being able to openly criticize the Democratic establishment. He said that while liberals blame Ronald Reagan for shutting down the state’s mental hospitals, the Blue supermajority has done nothing to bring them back. Villaraigosa also stumbled on the proverbial third rail of California politics, Prop. 13, which, in a scattered answer, he said he’s long opposed, still supports, but wants to reform on the margins. Well played, old-timer.

Heated district race shows the lengths — and limits — of Lurie’s big-money network

Supervisor Stephen Sherrill has been appointed by one mayor and received the endorsement of another. He’s an incumbent with more than a year of experience inside City Hall. And he’s got four PACs — four — supporting him, with a combined $1 million in the bank, making him perhaps the most lavishly funded candidate in board history. So why does Cow Hollow neighborhood organizer Lori Brooke think she has a shot at toppling Sherrill in the June contest for District 2? “I am absolutely grassroots, bottom-up perspective,” Brooke said over coffee at Rose’s Cafe on Union Street. “And City Hall does not always have that, and Stephen doesn’t have that.” The race for District 2, which covers posh enclaves like the Marina, Presidio Heights, and Cow Hollow, is shaping up to be a true David-versus-Goliath fight. It doesn’t necessarily carry the same political implications as, say, the election in District 4 — where the outcome could tilt the ideological scales of the moderate-majority Board of Supervisors — but it will say much about whether money can sway hearts and minds in a wealthy and traditionally conservative corner of the city. The truth is, Sherrill and Brooke aren’t terribly dissimilar — they both hold moderate views on issues like public safety and homelessness, positions that aren’t going to ruffle feathers in their district. This race is all about housing: an incumbent who leans urbanist and is open to more development in the district versus a challenger who is intensely skeptical of its impact on affordability. The production of residential development in the city remains slow, and even if Brooke is victorious, recent state laws have reduced local officials’ ability to stop projects from being built. That doesn’t mean the NIMBYs can’t try to flex their muscles: A Brooke-founded group helped sue the city in January over its state-mandated housing plan. Sherrill, 39, entered office after being appointed in December 2024 by former Mayor London Breed , succeeding Catherine Stefani, who was elected to the Assembly. Early in his career, he interned in the George W. Bush administration and later worked in the office of former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg. He registered as a Democrat in 2023. Formerly director of the Mayor’s Office of Innovation, a Bloomberg Philanthropies project, Sherrill has been a close ally of Mayor Daniel Lurie, supporting his Family Zoning Plan and calls for more cops and for loosening the city’s bureaucracy. During a recent afternoon door-knocking session in Anza Vista, Sherrill was asked by constituents about the traffic impacts from the incoming T&T Supermarket at the shopping center at Geary and Masonic and the never-ending drama surrounding the San Francisco Unified School District (which the Board of Supervisors does not oversee). He was quick to mention his endorsement from Lurie and pressed hard on making the neighborhood safer and more welcoming to families. He didn’t mention his support for housing at the top of the conversation, only once he’d established a connection. In interviews with The Standard, however, he did not shy away from his stance that San Francisco has a housing shortage. He said he is “very proud” of his vote on Lurie’s upzoning plan, a response to state-mandated requirements to rezone large swaths of the city to encourage more housing. While Sherrill faced some opposition from his constituents on the proposal, he argued that if the city did not adopt it, the state could impose severe penalties. “For all the people who may still disagree with the choice that I made to vote for the plan, which I‘m very proud of — they can’t say that I didn’t show up; they can’t say that I didn’t engage with them,” said Sherrill. “They can’t say that I didn’t listen to them. I may not have done what they wanted. Listening doesn’t mean doing what people want.” Sherrill’s housing views were tested late last year, when Align Real Estate released plans for a 25-story development complex at the Marina Safeway. The supervisor called the design “outrageous” and “cartoonish.” He said residents were blindsided by Align’s proposal, and the project could stymie additional construction. “If we do things that erode trust with residents, it makes it harder to do all the other things that mean progress,” he said. Sherrill’s campaign, headquartered at a cavernous office on Union Street, has raised $396,000 for both the June election, which will allow him to fill out the term of his predecessor, Stefani, and a follow-up in November, when a new four-year term would commence. But that’s just a part of the moneyed machine behind him. Lurie’s well-heeled donor base created an independent expenditure committee in support of Sherrill and District 4 incumbent Alan Wong called “ SF Believes ,” which has raised an eye-popping $802,000. The PAC was cofounded by financier Alec Perkins, who also set up the pro-Lurie PAC that helped the mayor zoom to victory in 2024 with a cool $6.6 million. There’s another pro-Sherrill PAC backed by GrowSF, which has raised $252,000 toward its $500,000 goal , as well as one linked to the consulting firm BMWL, which has raised $26,000. A fourth, set up by a handful of unions, is still collecting donations. It’s a tremendous amount of money for an off-season district race, and far more support than any supervisor had in support or opposition in 2024. It is likely the largest number of PACs to ever support a Board of Supervisors member. Brooke, 62, has zero PACs. But she is embracing the uphill battle and thinks Sherrill’s PAC money can go only so far. “What we‘re up against is a money juggernaut,” she said. “But there’s a point of diminishing returns in a district race.” A longtime neighborhood activist, Brooke has been president of the Cow Hollow Association’s leadership for nearly two decades and in 2023 cofounded Neighborhoods United SF, which has been fiercely critical of the state’s efforts to force cities to build more housing. She has raised $160,000 for the June race, just opened an account for a November sequel, and has formed a campaign team with links to former Supervisor Aaron Peskin and the recall campaign of ousted Supervisor Joel Engardio. Her office, located on Lombard Street, is maybe a fifth of the size of Sherrill’s. She contends that the Family Zoning Plan is driven by a false narrative — that building more will drive down prices — and winces at the term “housing crisis,” instead calling it an “affordability crisis.” Even though the city was required to comply with the state’s housing requirements, the board members, she said, didn’t offer sufficient opposition. “Even if legally they had to do something, you can at least go kicking and fighting,” she said. “Instead, they rolled over like a Labrador, let them rub the belly.” While door-knocking last month in Cow Hollow, she came across residents who were disturbed at the idea of more development in the area. She admitted to potential constituents that she and Sherrill aren’t all that different, but that their big red line is on housing. (Brooke is also against Lurie’s proposed parcel tax to fund Muni, which Sherrill supports. “The voters in D2 do not want that,” she said. “They do not want more taxing.”) While meeting her neighbors, she got a few excited about her views, especially when she mentioned that her opponent was appointed by Breed; some residents frowned when they heard the former mayor’s name. She sees herself as the outsider, going up against a supervisor who hasn’t been knee-deep in the community like she has. “He comes from Bush, Bloomberg,” Brooke said about Sherrill. “His motivation and where he cut his teeth is at the administrative level. I cut my teeth at street level.”

Ex-Human Rights Commission head charged in corruption probe; Breed not implicated

San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins announced charges Monday against Sheryl Davis, former executive director of the city’s Human Rights Commission, and James Spingola, former head of the nonprofit Collective Impact, alleging that they misused roughly $350,000 in public funds intended for the Black community. Davis faces 19 criminal counts, including felony misappropriation of public funds and felony perjury by certification. Spingola, who exited Collective Impact in October, is being charged with four counts of felony aiding and abetting a conflict of interest in a government contract. The two lived together as Davis was directing grants to Spingola’s nonprofit. “We have to make sure that we hold everything accountable. Each and every day we file cases involving street crime, but people have to understand that accountability goes beyond what happens on the streets,” Jenkins said Monday, adding that the investigation is ongoing. Davis and Spingola surrendered voluntarily and were booked into San Francisco County Jail, Jenkins said. The charges — a result of an 18-month-long investigation — stem from the Dream Keeper Initiative, a program launched under former Mayor London Breed to funnel money into Black communities, which was managed by the Human Rights Commission. Prosecutors allege Davis steered nearly $8.5 million in Dream Keeper grants — and other city funds — to Collective Impact despite conflicts of interest that should have disqualified her from the decision-making process. Collective Impact and Spingola received more than $3 million in additional funds through the city’s Office of Economic and Workforce Development, prosecutors said. Prosecutors allege Davis had two direct conflicts of interest. First, according to the warrant affidavit, Davis and Spingola have lived together since 2015, share accounts at two banks, and have traveled together, paying for each other’s flights and hotel stays. Spingola wrote monthly rent checks to their landlord from the bank account where his Collective Impact paycheck was deposited, according to prosecutors. “We are not alleging that they even had an intimate relationship,” Jenkins said, adding that the conflict-of-interest charges rest on the entanglement of their finances, not on any theory of a romantic relationship. The second conflict relates to Davis’ continued financial involvement with Collective Impact after joining the Human Rights Commission. Prosecutors allege she remained a signatory on Collective Impact’s bank account, signed checks, authorized reimbursements to herself and used Collective Impact funds to pay Human Rights Commission expenses. Jenkins also alleges that Davis’ son received direct financial benefits from organizations that received Dream Keeper money. Prosecutors say Davis signed four contracts awarding millions of dollars to the nonprofit Homeless Children’s Network while the organization was simultaneously paying her son more than $140,000 as an independent contractor between October 2021 and 2024. Those payments were deposited into a bank account held jointly by Davis and her son, according to the warrant affidavit. Among the payments, prosecutors allege, he received $10,000 for helping the director of Homeless Children’s Network prepare five presentation slides for a panel on which Davis served as moderator and $40,000 for a two-month research project for which he was permitted to determine the scope of his own work. Collective Impact also spent more than $45,000 on behalf of Davis’ son in 2023 and 2024, on payroll, rent, and graduate school tuition, prosecutors said. Jenkins alleged Davis used a combination of city and Collective Impact funds to pay for personal projects, including hiring public relations firms to promote her personal brand and website, promoting and selling her children’s book, and upgrading flights. Prosecutors allege funds were used to purchase tables and VIP admissions to events in Beverly Hills, Martha’s Vineyard, and New York City, costing hundreds of thousands of dollars. Davis also directed spending through an entity called Megablack, described by Jenkins as a community initiative with no formal nonprofit status, no leadership structure, and no registration with the California secretary of state or attorney general’s office. Funds raised for Megablack flowed into Collective Impact’s bank accounts. Prosecutors allege Davis directed those funds toward expenses the Human Rights Commission would not have been permitted to make as a city agency, including payments for music artists, banquets, and a wine-tasting event. Davis’ attorney Tony Brass said she has been forthcoming about her role as a city official with nonprofit connections. “I have a lot of questions about the processes within the mayor’s office and the city attorney’s office,” Brass said. “This is a person who was asking for more transparency. She asked to be audited. She actively wanted to give up her power. And she has proactively announced her conflicts of interest. I’m very curious how they have a criminal case based on her conduct.” Representatives of the Human Rights Commission declined to comment. Davis joined the commission in 2016 and quickly became an important figure in the city’s efforts to economically bolster Black communities. Her role became more prominent in 2021, when Breed launched the Dream Keeper Initiative in response to George Floyd’s murder and placed it under the management of the Human Rights Commission. Davis’ tenure there ended in 2024, when The Standard was first to report that she had signed off on city contracts worth at least $1.5 million to Spingola while the two were living together. The revelations created a scandal for Breed, who was in the middle of a reelection bid and said she was aware of the “very close” relationship between Davis and Spingola. The district attorney’s office cited The Standard’s reporting in its arrest warrant. Jenkins said the $350,000 of misused funds represents a combination of misappropriated Dream Keeper Initiative funds and Proposition Q funds administered through Davis’ department. Proposition Q allows city departments to bypass the need for a contract for the purchase of goods under $10,000. Jenkins acknowledged the total could grow as the investigation continues. Jenkins said the investigation involved more than 50 search warrants served on various entities, along with a large volume of emails between Davis and third parties. She said the probe began after her office received tips through its Public Integrity Unit and determined there was sufficient basis to open a criminal investigation. The investigation was launched after Davis had left office. Jenkins declined to say whether Breed had knowledge of the alleged misconduct, noting only that charges were filed against individuals whom prosecutors believe committed crimes. She did not implicate Breed. “If more comes out, those charges can be changed,” Jenkins said. “More can be added.” “We have to hold government actors accountable,” Jenkins added, “certainly when they are abusing the trust of San Franciscans and abusing taxpayer dollars.” Monday’s arrest follows other charges levied against figures in the San Francisco nonprofit world. Gwendolyn Westbrook , the former head of a homeless services nonprofit, was accused in February of misappropriating more than $1.2 million in public funds. In 2024, another former nonprofit executive, Kyra Worthy, was charged with 34 felonies for the alleged misuse of $700,000 in public funds.

Donald Trump can’t quit San Francisco

President Donald Trump has San Francisco in his sights again, and maybe Bill O’Reilly had something to do with it. In a meeting with his Cabinet on Thursday, Trump suggested that a federal intervention in San Francisco was again on the table, pointing to what he said are the city’s ongoing struggles with crime and drug abuse. “San Francisco — a great city, was a great city — could quickly become a great city again,” Trump said in a rambling comment. “But, you know, they’re going very slowly. “They have tremendous, tremendous potential. It was one of the greatest cities in the world. Now it’s got a lot of crime. And the mayor’s really trying. Again, a Democrat trying. And I spoke to him. He just wants to have a chance. And I said, ‘We’ll give you a chance, but we can solve it very quickly.’” Trump’s comments came hours before Bill O’Reilly, the former Fox News host, released a NewsNation prime-time special titled “The Decline and Fall of San Francisco,” dredging up a milieu of drugs, homelessness, and neglect. “One of the worst places in America,” O’Reilly said as he toured a Tenderloin street. “A legion of drug addicts, mentally ill, miscreants, thieves roaming the city. Nobody does anything about it.” O’Reilly’s special was heavily promoted in the days before broadcast, suggesting that the show might have reminded Trump that no city rattles conservative brains as much as the home of Gov. Gavin Newsom and Rep. Nancy Pelosi. Indeed, Fox News and its ilk have found San Francisco an irresistible target since 2023, when they gleefully showcased the city’s descent into a “doom loop” of homelessness, drug addiction, and street crime. Despite visible recent progress in addressing these problems — street tents and structures decreased to 155 in February from nearly 400 in February 2024 — the insinuations of the city’s decline continue. In February, conservative YouTuber Nick Shirley came to town, hoping to root out fraud or corruption. He also visited the Tenderloin. Political experts say there are reasons the anti-SF messaging won’t go away. “This is part of a campaign to undermine Gavin Newsom,” said Democratic consultant Jim Ross. “Look what they did on the fraud stuff with [Gov. Tim Walz] in Minnesota. They think that formula worked.” In the outrage after Shirley’s videos in Minnesota, Walz dropped out of his race for reelection. Matt Shupe, a Sacramento consultant for Republicans, said the timing is again right for putting SF in the spotlight with midterm elections coming up in November. “San Francisco is essentially the capital of the Democratic Party,” said Shupe. “It is a beautiful city. A magical place. It’s very special. But it also demonstrates the criminal mismanagement that pure Democratic Party rule has on one city.” The negative reports may seem repetitive, Shupe said, but that’s because they are effective. “It’s a good way to contrast [Democratic] talking points and anchor it in reality,” he said, noting that he was speaking as a consultant, not as a representative of the state Republican Party, which is one of his clients. Ross, however, isn’t sure the punches are landing on Newsom or other Democrats. “They’re still looking for the issue. I don’t think it’s popped up,” he said. “They’re still scrambling for their Somalian child-care story in California.” In a statement, Lurie underscored the progress made on his watch. “In San Francisco, crime is down 30%, encampments are at record lows, and our city is on the rise. Public safety is my No. 1 priority, and we are going to stay laser focused on keeping our streets safe and clean.”

SF public defender, found in contempt, fined $26K for refusing to take on clients

A San Francisco judge has ordered Public Defender Mano Raju to pay a $26,000 fine after finding him in contempt of court for his office’s failure to represent all indigent clients the court has asked it to. San Francisco Superior Court Judge Harry Dorfman fined the elected official $1,000 for each instance of failing to provide a lawyer to 26 felony defendants this year. He must pay the fine by April 10. “I am not telling Mr. Raju how to organize your office … but I do conclude that you have available lawyers to handle felony cases that you are refusing,” said Dorfman, adding that he would not “retreat from enforcing court order.” Raju sat beside his attorney during the proceeding Tuesday, which was watched by a packed courtroom, including a handful of public defenders from Northern California. Raju said he plans to appeal and expects a stay before the deadline. The fine is an escalation of a months-long saga that has pitted the public defender’s office against what Raju claims is an overwhelmed court system that has left him unable to ethically represent clients. Since May, Raju’s office has refused to take new clients on one day each week because of his overworked staff. Dorfman, who found that there are public defenders available to take cases five days a week, found Raju in contempt March 10 for continuing to refuse to take clients. “It was a disappointing ruling. We’re anticipating a higher court to stay his decision,” Raju said. Prior to the ruling about the fine, several staffers of Raju’s office, including a lawyer, investigator, and social worker, spoke to the judge about their inability to take on new cases. “It feels like blame and punishment is only being put on the public defender,” said felony attorney Tal Klement. He said the courts are overwhelmed by systemic issues that are out of his office’s control, like court availability, jail visiting hours for clients, and the district attorney’s charging decisions. Klement said he has 161 open cases, regularly works 60 hours a week, and has developed health and strained his family life. Raju and his department say national studies show that they are understaffed to meet the demands of a far more resourced DA’s office that has refused to reduce the caseload by taking actions such as settling cases. Meanwhile, the DA’s office has said that the public defender’s office is making a political choice in its refusal to take cases. Chief Deputy District Attorney Ana Gonzalez said that when caseloads have skyrocketed in the past, no such emergency was declared. She said the number of new felony cases has been flat for four years. She also argued that many of the court delays are due to the public defender prolonging cases by choice and refusing to settle cases. In a prior hearing, Hadi Razzaq of the public defender’s office said the attorneys have myriad duties beyond trying cases. He said the office’s 47 felony attorneys each have an average of 61 cases, and taking on more would mean being unable to properly represent their clients. By comparison, the Public Defender has 125 lawyers while the DA has 140. The public defender’s refusals have had a host of downstream effects. Fill-in private attorneys, who have taken on more than 600 additional cases, have also run out of resources to represent indigent defendants. This leaves many defendants lingering in jail until an attorney becomes available. “We have now had to transport clients day after day after day,” Rani Singh, chief legal counsel at the San Francisco Sheriff’s Department, said at one of the hearings. “Our deputies have been told by clients that they are sick of waiting for attorneys, and some have refused to come to court because they don’t expect to get attorneys.”

Man who grappled with Lurie’s security speaks out

The 44-year-old man charged with crimes after fighting with Mayor Daniel Lurie’s security detail March 5 spoke with reporters Thursday morning alongside his lawyer at San Francisco Superior Court. “I’m doing better out of jail. I was sweating,” said Tony Phillips, who was arrested soon after the incident was caught on tape. “I know what’s running in my mind. My thoughts are clear, at least.” Phillips pleaded not guilty Wednesday and was released from custody early Thursday morning after a judge reviewed video footage and said it appeared that Phillips was the victim in the case. Phillips — who was back in court Thursday for an unrelated case — said he had no idea that the man who asked him to move away from the street where he lives in a tent was the mayor. “It’s essentially a situation where Mr. Phillips is being told by law enforcement that he cannot be at his home,” said his court-appointed attorney, Ivan Rodriguez. According to a police report , Lurie and his security detail were driving on Larkin Street around 5:30 p.m. when the mayor got out of the vehicle and asked a group of men to move out of the street. Phillips asked by what authority he was being asked to move. Plainclothes officer Joel Aguayo said he was a cop and that uniformed officers might be called if the men did not move. Phillips then approached the officer and said that he was gonna “Bruce Lee kick your ass,” according to video of the incident. The officer shoved Phillips. Lurie ran to his vehicle to alert another officer as Phillips and Aguayo grappled then fell to the ground. Aguayo and the other officer were injured in the ensuing scuffle. The incident, which has raised questions about the mayor’s dealings with the public , has not altered his hands-on approach to governing. Lurie has said he wanted the group of men to move for the safety of themselves and others. Phillips was charged with felony resisting an officer, assaulting a peace officer with force likely to cause great bodily injury, and one count of violating a court stay-away order. Abraham Simon, who attempted to stop a second officer from helping Aguayo, was charged with resisting, delaying, and obstructing a peace officer. Rodriguez contends that his client was attacked and that the charges should never have been filed. “We’re gonna get justice. We are asking for it to be swift,” the lawyer said. “Mr. Phillips is the victim in this situation.” According to Rodriguez, Phillips’ release came after Superior Court Judge Sylvia Husing viewed video of the incident and said he appeared to be the victim. “She said that from seeing the video it was quite obvious that it was Mr. Phillips who was the person violently attacked,” said Rodriguez. “Mr. Phillips is not guilty of these charges.” After his release from jail, Phillips was given a shelter bed, the attorney said. A hearing in the case is set for April 15. Meanwhile, Lurie has said he will continue to approach homeless people and others in the streets, arguing that it is a key part of his role. “We all need to be out and about and seeing what our small-business owners are going through and what our families and our children are going through,” Lurie told the San Francisco Chronicle on Wednesday . “Our elders have to walk down those streets, too. “It is my job to lean in,” he added. “If I’m not doing it, how can I expect my department heads and [SFPD] and sheriff and park rangers to interact with people that are of concern?”

Tech’s pick for governor, Matt Mahan, makes his case for running California

He’s from the largest city in Northern California. You know, the one down south from us? Starts with “S.” Be careful poking fun at San Jose when you’re speaking with Mayor Matt Mahan. The gubernatorial candidate is a fierce defender of his city, one he says has made progress on housing and homelessness, reasons he thinks he should become governor . A pro-business moderate, Mahan has attracted big donations from deep-pocketed techies, with his latest campaign total coming in at $8.5 million, according to a source familiar with the matter. An independent committee has raised millions more and spent $1.4 million for an ad during the Super Bowl . “My values are very progressive,” Mahan said during an interview this week on our podcast “Pacific Standard Time.” “My means are very pragmatic.” Here are four takeaways from our conversation with the gubernatorial hopeful. San Jose’s unaffordability could be Mahan’s liability While San Francisco is known as a pricey city, San Jose is the most expensive urban area in California, a recent report shows. Mahan said San Jose has been unaffordable for decades, describing the city as a “victim of its own success.” He also pointed out the flip side: The area has provided unparalleled upward mobility, citing a study by Harvard economist Raj Chetty. Mahan said housing reform measures are one way to bring down costs. But it remains to be seen whether he can successfully navigate affordability while his more progressive counterparts across the country, such as New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani, have used the issue to criticize centrist Democrats. Fighting Trump isn’t one of his main priorities Mahan has taken a similar tack to San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie, arguing that a well-run Democratic city is the best defense against President Donald Trump. “I think that we have a duty to deliver and demonstrate that our values in California work in practice, that they actually create communities that are safer, more vibrant, more inclusive economically, and that create more opportunity for people,” he said. “That, to me, is the most important thing.” The message stands in contrast to Mahan’s opponents in the gubernatorial race. During a Feb. 3 debate , every candidate aside from Republican Steve Hilton expressed fierce criticism of the president. Mahan’s position could be strategic, as he is trying to woo independent and right-leaning voters ahead of the June primary. Unions could become a thorn in his side Mahan has had a strained relationship with San Jose’s unions, sparked by his strategies on housing for the homeless and pay increases for city workers. Asked about the teachers strike in San Francisco and what he would do about it as governor, Mahan voiced support for unions while noting that cities need to be fiscally responsible when it comes to salary increases. “We do have to operate within the realm of reality,” he said. “We’ve got to be able to say, ‘Well, if we only project revenue to go up 3% a year, we can’t give a 4% raise year after year without cutting services.’” That stance could cost him, as labor unions are expected to launch multimillion-dollar campaigns in support of their chosen candidates. He’s trying to stay above the fray While Gov. Gavin Newsom regularly skewers Trump in provocative social media posts, Mahan is hoping that voters are hungry for a politician who’s not lashing out. In August, Mahan wrote an opinion article titled “ How about less time breaking the internet and more time fixing California? ” in which he argued that Newsom’s social media strategy “doesn’t solve real-world problems.” During the “PST” interview, Mahan said, “Sometimes our politics gets overly partisan and performative and just becomes contentless attacks and trolling and memes.”

PST: The SF teachers strike + governor candidate Matt Mahan

San Jose mayor Matt Mahan enters gridlocked race for California governor

He’s a popular Democratic mayor who’s been credited with helping turn around his large Bay Area city. He’s well-liked within deep-pocketed tech and business circles. He’s a married father of two who plays up his regular-guy bona fides on social media . And now he’s taking the next leap into higher office. No, we’re not talking about Daniel Lurie. San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan is running for governor, he confirmed in an interview with The Standard. The long-expected move adds an outspoken critic of Sacramento to an already bursting slate of candidates racing to replace Gov. Gavin Newsom this November. “I think the state’s at an inflection point,” Mahan said Wednesday while standing on the Embarcadero. “As mayor of a big city, one of the largest cities in the state, I’m closer to the problems we face and the solutions to those problems. The past three years that I’ve been mayor have become a model for how we start to move the needle on issues that many people have thought were intractable.” Mahan’s entry is a major shakeup to the gubernatorial race. According to polling , no candidate has established themselves as a frontrunner to replace Newsom, who oversees a state with the world’s fourth-largest economy and has become a symbol of resistance during President Donald Trump’s second term. Mahan, 43, will undoubtedly face questions over why he is worthy of taking on one of the most important governorships in the nation. A relative newcomer to politics, Mahan began his professional life as a teacher before moving into tech. He entered elected office as a San Jose councilmember in 2020, then clinched an upset win for mayor in 2022 against a longtime South Bay politician. In the governor’s race, he faces a field teeming with Democratic politicians who have decades of combined experience, including Rep. Eric Swalwell, former Rep. Katie Porter, former Biden cabinet member Xavier Becerra, former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, former state Controller Betty Yee, and state Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond. Other contenders include Democratic billionaire Tom Steyer — who is likely to throw big bucks into the race — and Republican Fox News contributor Steve Hilton. But Mahan does have some aces to play: He has won the ardor of some of California’s technology crowd, including Y Combinator leader Garry Tan and entrepreneur Jesse Tinsley . That cohort alone could provide the millions needed to propel him to Sacramento. He has also carved out a moderate, party-bucking lane on homelessness and criminal justice that a large swath of voters might find appealing, as Democrats continue their soul-searching after the 2024 election. And in a political environment where bucking the status quo is in vogue, Mahan has been quick to criticize the state’s leadership, which could excite both disaffected voters and well-heeled donors. Though Mahan’s closeness to tech should bolster his coffers, some have questioned how effective he will be in raising campaign funds. “Fundraising will be a major challenge for him if he runs,” Terry Christensen, professor emeritus at San Jose State University, recently told San Jose Spotlight . “It takes a lot of money to be a serious statewide candidate.” As mayor, Mahan has pushed for stricter rules on unsheltered homelessness, is an advocate for interim shelter sites, and often rails against state regulations he says stymie housing production. He is considered an ally to business interests, and, like San Francisco’s mayor, has largely stayed out of national political conversations. He has instead argued that his energy should be spent on combating local issues. His term in San Jose runs until 2028, after he handily won reelection in 2024. On social media, he has portrayed himself as a neighborhood enthusiast, regularly sharing videos of him picking up trash. He has simultaneously cast himself as a tough-on-crime politician, posting mugshots of suspects, a practice that has fallen out of favor among Democratic leaders. In 2024, Mahan supported Proposition 36 , a successful ballot initiative that stiffened penalties for theft and drug crimes. The measure was opposed by Newsom, creating a lasting fissure between the two elected officials that for months has fueled rumors that Mahan was testing the waters for a run for governor. Last year, Mahan’s critiques of leadership in Sacramento intensified, as he pushed back on Newsom’s call for a special legislative session to fight Trump and called out the governor over his social media tactics , among other dustups . Asked what his signature policies would be as governor, Mahan said he’d like to introduce a plan for more shelter and treatment beds, describing a framework in which cities that don’t want to build capacity would have to pay those that do. “If Los Altos Hills doesn’t want to build the 3.5 units of shelter or treatment that they’re allocated, we could set up a credit system where they pay San Jose to have those beds,” he said. “But we’re going to need to create a fair-share framework that gets everyone to adopt cost-effective solutions to homelessness and behavioral health issues, and create some accountability.” Mahan said he would also like to make sure Prop. 36’s rules are implemented across the state, pointing to San Diego as a locality that has successfully done so. “We shouldn’t rely on a charismatic leader in each individual county to figure it out,” he said. “The state should be leading the way on implementation, because 70% of Californians agreed with the premise that people ought to be held accountable for getting treatment when their addiction is harming the broader community.” The son of a schoolteacher and mailman, Mahan grew up in Watsonville, an agricultural town in Santa Cruz County. He received a scholarship to Bellarmine College Prep, a prestigious all-boys Catholic high school in San Jose, whose alumni include Rep. Sam Liccardo, Mahan’s predecessor as mayor. As a student at Harvard University, Mahan met Mark Zuckerberg, who persuaded him over dinner to skip law school and instead pursue a career in tech. After a stint as a high school teacher until 2008, Mahan joined Causes, a startup that raised awareness about nonprofits. In 2014, Mahan cofounded Brigade, a startup that acquired Causes and received funding from Ron Conway, Marc Benioff, and Sean Parker. Brigade wound down in 2019 ; its engineering team was hired by Pinterest, while its technology and data were sold to another firm. Mahan, however, moved on to public service, winning a seat on the San Jose City Council, representing southwestern neighborhoods. He rapidly climbed the ranks of San Jose politics, challenging labor-backed candidate Cindy Chavez in the 2022 mayor’s race. Mahan eked out a surprising win in a race decided by fewer than 10,000 votes. Whether he will be able to repeat the triumph in the June primary is now one of the biggest questions in California politics.

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The Abatement Appeals Board provides a final review process for City permitting decisions. It ensures fair and efficient adjudication of permit-related disputes before an impartial panel. The board holds authority to make binding decisions on appeals concerning notices of abatement.

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Adult Probation Department supervises individuals on probation and facilitates their reintegration into the community. It provides reentry and rehabilitative services, including victim restitution and financial assistance for crime victims. The department values public safety, offender rehabilitation, and community partnerships.

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Advisory Committee of Street Artists and Crafts Examiners

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San Francisco Airport manages air traffic operations and ensures safe aircraft movement. It provides parking facilities and maintains airport infrastructure to accommodate travelers and staff. The department oversees ground transportation and coordinates with airlines for efficient passenger services.

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The Airport Commission oversees policy and strategic planning for San Francisco International Airport. It makes key decisions on airport development projects and financial management. It ensures compliance with regulations and collaborates on initiatives like terminal naming.

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San Francisco Arts Commission invests in a vibrant arts community and shapes cultural policy. It enlivens the urban environment through public art programs and supports diverse artistic expressions. The commission facilitates meetings and discussions to engage the community in cultural development.

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The Asian Art Commission determines policy and administers the Asian Art Museum of San Francisco. It oversees museum operations and collaborates with the Asian Art Museum Foundation on fundraising efforts. Commissioners ensure the museum's strategic direction and financial sustainability.

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Asian Art Museum showcases Asian art and culture through exhibitions and educational programs. It offers diverse collections and hosts special events to engage the community. The museum fosters cultural appreciation and understanding by providing access to its extensive art collections.

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The Assessment Appeals Board #1 hears property tax assessment appeals in San Francisco. It evaluates evidence presented by taxpayers and the Assessor to determine property values. The Board has the authority to make final decisions on assessments regardless of property type or value.

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Richard Lee

Stephen Wasserman

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The Assessment Appeals Board #2 adjudicates property tax assessment appeals for San Francisco taxpayers. It evaluates evidence presented by taxpayers and the Assessor to determine accurate property values. The Board exercises authority to render final decisions on residential properties and specific real estate assessments.

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Claire Ervin Lee

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The Assessment Appeals Board #3 provides a platform for San Francisco taxpayers to contest property tax assessments. It conducts hearings where evidence from both taxpayers and the Assessor is evaluated. The Board makes binding decisions on property assessments based on presented evidence.

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Assesses property, applies exemptions, collects transfer taxes, and records official documents.

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The Ballot Simplification Committee ensures voter materials are clear and understandable. It reviews and revises ballot language to accurately reflect propositions and measures. The committee advises on simplifying complex legal and technical terms for voter comprehension.

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The Bayview Hunters Point Citizens Advisory Committee provides policy advice on planning and land use matters in Zone 2 of Bayview Hunter's Point. It offers expertise in land use policies, zoning issues, and urban development. The committee advises the Board of Supervisors, City Boards, and commissions on relevant projects and initiatives.

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