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Lurie’s permit project gets grilled after SF Standard investigation

This article is from Power Play, a twice-weekly newsletter rounding up the latest City Hall and local politics gossip. To sign up, visit The Standard’s newsletter page . Hours after The Standard’s investigation into Mayor Daniel Lurie ’s permit overhaul was published, Supervisor Connie Chan had sharp questions for department heads at a Wednesday-afternoon Budget and Appropriations Committee meeting. Former employees of OpenGov, the company hired for Lurie’s permitting modernization effort, told The Standard they knew the firm would miss deadlines, and current city staffers said the software lacks important features. Lurie awarded OpenGov in a no-bid contract , claiming it was the only company that could meet its deadlines. But deadlines have been blown through. SF Planning’s director, Sarah Dennis Phillips , and the interim Department of Building Inspection director, David Kane , were in the hot seat as Chan had pointed questions about the permit overhaul in light of The Standard’s reporting. The exchanges became tense at times. The city is seeking to renew the OpenGov contract for six years, at a price of $6.5 million — a decision that must go before the Civil Service Commission before heading to the supervisors for approval. Chan’s suspicions are part of a bubbling skepticism against Lurie’s permit efforts. The Civil Service commissioners have already delayed a hearing to approve OpenGov’s contract renewal after claiming that the city did not provide them with enough information about opposition to the project from a public-sector union. Some commissioners expressed serious concern about the contract during a May 4 meeting before pushing the vote to this Monday. Phillips defended the adoption of the software, stating that the department is “very happy with the results” and that the “system is performing.” She conceded that there had been bumps in the road on timelines: “We are erring on the side of doing permits correctly, rather than in volume. That does take more time, and it means things are moving more slowly than we think.” The current contract was set to deliver 15 permit types by March onto a new OpenGov-powered platform. Today, fewer than half are available. Chan remains wary of the project’s trajectory. She asked the departments to provide evidence that OpenGov is making permitting more efficient and to outline a Plan B if OpenGov is shelved — a nightmare scenario for Lurie. She quoted The Standard’s reporting in which a city employee said San Francisco is essentially subsidizing OpenGov’s product advancements. “I’m not inclined to fund the research and development of OpenGov,” Chan said. “What I’m inclined to fund is the development of a permanent permitting system that actually works for San Franciscans.” — Gabriel Greschler Got tips? Send to us at powerplay@sfstandard.com . In the pipeline THE BIG SAIKAT SPEND: The centimillionaire congressional candidate Saikat Chakrabarti has pledged to spend whatever it takes to win. Now he’s helping local propositions too. On Tuesday, Chakrabarti dropped a cool $100,000 into the campaign for Proposition D, the Overpaid CEO Tax. If approved on the June’s ballot, it would raise taxes for any company with a wide pay gap between the CEO and the median salary of workers worldwide. The measure is backed by a bevy of unions that hope the funds will plug San Francisco’s budget hole: SEIU Local 2015, SEIU Local 1021, IFPTE Local 21, AFSCME 3299, and Teamsters Joint Council 7. That begs the question: Will Chakrabarti’s contribution help him finally make inroads with labor? “Labor bases its support on the shared values candidates have with working families,” a spokesperson for the Prop. D campaign stated succinctly. Chakrabarti is certainly making his case. “These companies just received massive federal tax breaks under Trump, so asking the largest corporations, that are paying CEOs more than 100 times their median employee’s salary, to contribute a little more isn’t going to hurt them,” Chakrabarti said. “But cutting homelessness services, emergency response programs, and public safety resources would hurt thousands of San Franciscans.” For her part, Chan has so many unions supporting her congressional run she could practically start her own labor council. Though Chakrabarti shares labor’s values, unions are loath to endorse wealthy candidates for any office. But if the alternative is state Sen. Scott Wiener, who pissed off SEIU California enough that they un-endorsed him, it’ll be interesting to see if progressive labor collectively holds its nose to back either of them in June. — Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez YOU’RE WELCOME, L.A.: San Franciscans are generally proud to beat L.A. with our superior burritos, walkability, and fog over smog. However, we’ll have to begrudgingly concede that we’re on par in one respect: Both are now the scene of the political shenanigans of Jay Cheng , the consultant who earned Lurie’s ire and recently parted ways with Neighbors for a Better San Francisco under mysterious circumstances. Power Play readers will recall the rumor of an ethics investigation into Neighbors that may have ensnared Cheng. Cheng makes a cameo in an L.A. Times article last weekend detailing a dark money campaign to attack Los Angeles City Councilmember Eunisses Hernandez, a Democratic Socialist. Dark money refers to political spending wherein entities fund other entities, which fund other entities, to disguise the true source of attack ads. The piece highlights Cheng’s role as a consultant for a nonprofit working to elect “centrist” and “moderate” candidates to office in the City of Angels. It’s one of the first clients of his new shop, Jay Cheng Strategy. When reached by text, Cheng said he now has clients in multiple cities to “help them move in a moderate direction, like we did in SF.” He declined to name those cities but said he will do so in the coming weeks. When asked about the accusations in the article, Cheng replied, tongue in cheek, “Wherever there is dark money, there is Jay Cheng!” You don’t say! — J. F. R. THAT WAS FAST: Conor Johnston and Eric Kingsbury, who were staffers to Mayor London Breed , came forward Monday to accuse their former boss of appointing Supervisor Stephen Sherrill to his position in the hopes that she’d get a job from Michael Bloomberg. Sherrill issued a statement asserting that the vetting process for the supervisor seat was rigorous, and that she’s proud of Sherrill’s record but, curiously, doesn’t outright deny the chief allegation of a quid pro quo. Either way, we’ll be darned if Sherrill’s chief opponent in the June election, community activist Lori Brooke, didn’t move quick to capitalize on the accusations. Her campaign snapped up www.stephensherrill.com , which redirects to The Standard’s article. Cheeky! And it whipped up attack mailers using the most salacious quotes from Mission Local and The Standard, which will flutter into District 2 voters’ mailboxes this week. “District 2 deserves better than a supervisor who has made their career in backroom political deals,” Brooke told Power Play. We doubt that’s the only hit coming. Considering the avalanche of money from four independent expenditure committees supporting Sherrill, Brooke will need every swing. — J. F. R. TABLOID TIME: San Francisco’s media ecosystem is apparently booming , and we sure welcome some competition — for better or worse. The infamous San Francisco Inquirer, which the Chronicle , Standard , and San José Spotlight debunked three years ago as a political operation backing a Bay Area-based tribe , is active again, publishing sensational headlines about the race to succeed Rep. Nancy Pelosi . Recent stories on the site, with no authors listed, are critical of Wiener and Chan, while offering more favorable treatment to Chakrabarti. “Pelosi declines to endorse Wiener, widely seen as a stunning rebuke,” one headline says . Well, stunning to who? We all know who the speaker emerita’s preferred candidate is. The site’s founder, Matt Ricchiazzi , an East Coast-based consultant accused of running fake news websites , denied any involvement with the campaigns. “I don’t have any client interests in the race. I’m just sharing my opinion about the contenders,” Ricchiazzi told Power Play. Chan’s campaign blasted a story on the site linking the Chinese American immigrant to the Chinese government’s influence. “These are dirty and racist tactics. Whoever is paying for this is a coward and is furthering anti-Asian hate for personal and political gain. It’s despicable,” said Julie Edwards , Chan’s spokesperson. Federal campaign filings do not show payments to Ricchiazzi connected to the race, but Chakrabarti may have a friendly relationship with the tribe that paid Ricchiazzi, according to a 2025 social media post . His campaign denied any relationship with Ricchiazzi. If there’s one good thing to say about the website, it’s packed with ads promoting local businesses — including our favorite Hook Fish Co. and City Lights Bookstore. — Han Li KUMBAYA: Four years ago, Supervisor Shamann Walton was scrutinized for dressing down a sheriff’s cadet who was serving as City Hall security. Walton called the cadet the N-word and later accused staffers of the Sheriff’s Department of targeting him for his scrutiny of the office. Recriminations followed, alongside hurt feelings and a lot of fear . Breed called on Walton to apologize. My, how things have changed. At the Board of Supervisors’ regular meeting Tuesday, Walton led a round of praise for the sheriff’s cadets, who, importantly, are not sheriffs in training; it’s just a classification of an unarmed segment of the sheriff’s staff. It was a wonder to see. Led by Walton, nearly every supervisor heaped kind words upon the cadets — who stood by a podium at the Board of Supervisors chambers, beaming — for their demeanor and professionalism. So, what gives? Are we all friends now? That’s right, Sheriff Paul Miyamoto told us outside the chambers. The relationship has “had its ups and downs,” Miyamoto admitted, but Walton “actually reached out and wanted to recognize the cadets for the work they do. I think it was intentional to make sure they feel appreciated.” “Everything else,” the sheriff said, “is water under the bridge.” — J. F. R.

Hundreds more SF families are getting access to free or low-cost child care

More San Francisco families are about to get free child care. Mayor Daniel Lurie announced Thursday that the city is adding 750 slots to its free and low-cost child-care subsidy program this summer. More than half of those will be for infants and toddlers. “If you have a young child in this city, you should be able to find a place that you trust and can afford,” Lurie said. “That’s the standard that we are setting, because when we support families at the very beginning, we strengthen everything that comes after.” The effort comes a few months after the city expanded eligibility for Early Learning for All . The program allows a family of four that earns less than $230,000 a year to receive free child care , while those earning $310,000 are eligible for a 50% subsidy. The expansion is funded through a one-time surplus from 2018’s Proposition C measure. The additional slots will be available in neighborhoods across San Francisco as the city works to expand the number of providers in its early learning network, the mayor’s office said. Also on Thursday, the city opened applications for providers to join its roster of certified daycare centers and preschools so that families have more to choose from. There are about 700 families on the city’s waitlist for child care — about 81% of whom are looking for infant or toddler care — according to the city’s Department of Early Childhood. “An important first step that the mayor announced earlier this year was to make those subsidies available up to that amount,” said Kunal Modi, the mayor’s chief of health and human services. “Now what we’re really focused on is ensuring that you don’t just have a subsidy with nowhere to go.”

The real reason Jay Cheng is leaving Neighbors. Plus: Lurie’s China debut

For more than a decade, San Francisco political operative Jay Cheng has worn many faces: He’s a master of the political dark arts, a schemer , an alleged abuser , a gifted strategist , a leader , a risk-taker. The polarizing figure burst onto the public scene after he was embroiled in ethics snafus during the 2022 recall of District Attorney Chesa Boudin and the 2024 mayoral election . City Hall’s obsession with Cheng continued after he announced this week that he is stepping down as executive director of Neighbors for a Better San Francisco. Speculation abounds around one question: Why? Insiders bent Power Play’s ear with two theories. The first seems likely, because it has timing on its side. Sources say they have caught wind of an Ethics Commission investigation that, at least tangentially, involves Cheng — and Cheng told us there’s no investigation against him, specifically. Nobody we spoke to knows the allegations, but Neighbors had unflattering flirtations with Mark Farrell ’s mayoral campaign, like Cheng trying to hire a campaign manager , a potential violation of coordination between PACs and candidate campaigns. The Ethics Commission doesn’t comment on active investigations but revealed in a report published in March that it had 29 ongoing enforcement cases. The second rumor is that Mayor Daniel Lurie — who froze Cheng out after Neighbors ran afoul of the Ethics Commission — wanted a pound of flesh from the organization to get back in his good graces. And William Obendorf, the Republican billionaire who is a board member of Neighbors and its stalwart financial backer, served up Cheng to repair his relationship with Lurie. Obendorf didn’t respond to a request for comment. It’s less firm than the ethics allegations, but not wholly impossible. There’s not necessarily any timing that lends it credibility, beyond Neighbors trying to position itself to help Lurie in the November election, for which he’s juggling many competing priorities — from electing supervisor allies to his charter reforms — that may require outside help. Cheng has been caught and fined tens of thousands of dollars for ethics violations before, but still stayed on with Neighbors. Max Szabo , Lurie’s political spokesperson, told us the mayor will work with anybody, “irrespective of political affiliation,” to make San Francisco safer and more affordable. Translation: conservatives like Obendorf aren’t off the table if they’ve got the same goals as Lurie. Szabo denied any dealmaking. Of course, both explanations could contain shades of truth. And either story could serve as a convenient excuse for the other. Cheng said simply, “Everything I did was at the behest and direction of the board, and for the best interests of the organization. You live by the sword, you die by the sword.” — Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez & Han Li Got tips? Send to us at powerplay@sfstandard.com . CHINA DEBUT: Lurie wrapped his first full day in Shanghai with a packed schedule: playing soccer , attending a traditional folk music performance , and, in classic tourist fashion, taking a night cruise along the Huangpu River — complete with a skyline photo op. Chinese media coverage has been quieter this time compared with former mayor London Breed ’s 2024 visit, when her bigger group, a stop in Beijing, and panda diplomacy drew more widespread attention. The coverage that has emerged from the current delegation has largely focused on sister-city ties and cultural exchange. Lurie showed up at a United Airlines event to promote tourism, and signed collaboration agreements linking the California Academy of Sciences, SF Conservatory of Music, and SF Opera with their counterparts in Shanghai. One news article headline read, “See what he did with music,” underscoring the trip’s emphasis on soft diplomacy. Lurie has framed the visit around the idea that arts and culture can bridge geopolitical divides. “This partnership is more than education. It reflects the power of music to connect people across borders, even when other forms of dialogue may be more challenging,” Lurie said in Shanghai. The mayor is traveling with several city officials, including Chief of Protocol Penny Coulter and Airport Director Mike Nakornkhet . His wife, Becca Prowda , has appeared alongside him in multiple state media reports. A city disclosure form also shows his mother, Mimi Haas , is part of the delegation. Lurie is expected to stay in China for one more day before heading to South Korea. — H.L. & Gabe Greschler KIM’S TV SPOTS : Moderate-leaning group GrowSF has become one of the most dominant forces in city politics, and a recent TV buyout shows just how much it’s willing to throw down for local races that otherwise aren’t getting much attention. The group shared exclusively with Power Play that it has made ad buys in the six figures from its $300,000 war chest supporting school board candidate Phil Kim . It’s basically unheard of to run TV ads for school board candidates — but not for GrowSF, which has established itself as part of the moneyed Team Lurie and has connections to deep-pocketed techies. Kim was appointed by Breed in 2024. He’s running against two progressives in the June election to serve the remainder of his term, then will run again in November. The ads were bought through the GrowSF Voter Guide, an independent expenditure committee whose top donor is environmentalist and entrepreneur Nicholas Josefowitz . The ads, which are airing now, present Kim as a pragmatic member of the school board who has prioritized algebra, helped balance the budget, and supported a deal during the February teachers strike “without bankrupting our schools.” “Phil Kim helped save SFUSD from bankruptcy and prevented mass school closures,” one of the ads states. “He balanced a billion-dollar budget, protecting every classroom, and made sure teachers kept their jobs.” — G.G.

Dolores Huerta: Don’t name streets, schools after me

As California cities consider what to do with the vast set of landmarks named for the late Cesar Chavez, who was accused of sexual abuse in a New York Times story published March 18 , Dolores Huerta said she would not like her name used as a replacement. A spokesperson for Huerta, who cofounded the United Farm Workers with Chavez, told The Standard that streets, schools, and buildings “ should not be renamed after her, but the UFW martyrs, organizers, farmworkers, and families who sacrificed everything to build something bigger than any one person.” The 95-year-old Huerta, who showed up at San Francisco City Hall as recently as January in support of more pay for street cleaners, told The Times that Chavez raped her and coerced her into having sex in the 1960s, encounters that produced two children, which she secretly had others raise. She said she had never told anyone about the abuse, even her children. Since the revelations about Chavez, officials in San Francisco have been considering how to rename the 3.5-mile Cesar Chavez Street and Cesar Chavez Elementary on Shotwell Street in the Mission. Supervisor Jackie Fielder, whose district includes the Mission, is working with the community and labor groups to determine a renaming process, according to her chief of staff, Sasha Gaona. While Huerta said in a recent interview that she would prefer that Chavez landmarks be named after individuals associated with the UFW movement, Tuesday’s statement represented her clearest attempt yet to distance herself from the renaming process. “We understand that this news has stirred deep emotions for many people, and we respect that everyone is processing this in their own way,” said Huerta’s spokesperson, Erik Olvera. “Questions about the naming of public buildings, streets, and schools are local and municipal matters, and we believe those communities are best positioned to have those conversations on their own terms.” Some have followed Huerta’s suggestion. On Monday, Assemblymembers in Sacramento voted unanimously to change Cesar Chavez Day — a state holiday every March 31 — to Farmworkers Day. The name change requires the approval of the state Senate and the governor. But other U.S. cities have gone ahead with honoring Huerta. On Tuesday, Tucson renamed its March 31 Cesar Chavez Day as Dolores Huerta Day.

Ready to rumble: The 37 most powerful labor leaders in San Francisco

SF voted to close juvenile hall. Seven years later, it costs $543K per kid

A child arrested and taken to San Francisco’s Juvenile Justice Center first sees the sun-drenched parking lot where a police car or van brings them to the facility. When they step inside, their eyes have to adjust quickly to darkness. In the reception room, staff sitting behind an imposing, semi circular desk process them in and assign them a bed. Next is a hallway so long and curved, from some perspectives it seems to never end. The juvenile hall was built in the classic prison architecture style of the 1990s. Multiple locked doors separate cells from hallways from the yard. They close with loud, reverberating clangs. The 75-square foot cells are painted beige and light blue, and feature bed frames and sinks built into the brick. For decades, progressive-minded activists, attorneys, and politicians have tried to shut down the hall, arguing that the jail-like space near Twin Peaks is no place for children. The closest they ever came to success was a 2019 vote by the San Francisco Board of Supervisors to close the facility within three years. At the time, Mayor London Breed criticized the legislation as “not the most responsible thing to do without a real plan of action.” By 2019, the Juvenile Justice Center had come to exemplify all the apparent wrongs of a previous era’s tendency to lock up children. On an average day, it housed less than a fifth of its capacity, which contributed to an eye-watering cost of $270,000 annually to lock up a child, according to a San Francisco Chronicle investigation . But the city never had a clear plan for where to put the young people that had been jailed there. Then California Gov. Gavin Newsom changed the rules — youth who committed the most serious crimes, who had been imprisoned in state facilities, suddenly became San Francisco’s responsibility. This mirrored the “realignment” process that moved many incarcerated people out of state prisons and into local jails. Chief Juvenile Probation Officer Katy Weinstein Miller was once part of a working group set up to close the facility. Now she runs it. “This building is far from ideal,” she admitted about the dark, echoey space. Seven years after the Board of Supervisors’ decisive vote and five years beyond the deadline to close it, the justice center doesn’t just remain open and operational — it is even more expensive than it was when the city vowed to close it. San Francisco isn’t the only county stuck with an oversized juvenile hall. Giant, chronically empty juvies litter California, a hangover headache from an era of mass incarceration. And like San Francisco’s hall, as the population in these facilities has fallen, the price to keep them open has soared. What sets San Francisco apart is that its leaders — progressive minded, and maybe a little naive — tried to fix things. They moved to stem the bleeding and close the hall, recruiting high-ranking officials from city government and lifelong juvenile justice activists who dedicated years to the effort. And they completely failed. Today, the annual cost of jailing one youth in San Francisco is $534,000 — roughly double the 2019 price — with a daily average population of 31. In part, today’s increased cost is a sign of success. On any given day in 2025, San Francisco jailed one-third fewer youth than it did in 2018. But many of the costs of operating the enormous, mostly empty hall are fixed, meaning the per child cost has ballooned. Some advocates say this is the price of running a much more humane hall. It may be the most expensive juvie, but it may also be better than it’s ever been before. So what’s San Francisco getting for its money? ‘A major public policy blunder’ In the mid-1990s, the homicide arrest rate for juveniles in California was skyrocketing, mirroring a grim national trend. San Francisco was a poster child for the troubling phenomenon. In 1993, San Francisco’s juvenile arrest rate was the highest in the state, 50% higher than the California average. In 1995, the California Legislative Analyst’s Office predicted that the number of juvenile violent crime arrests in the state would increase 60% by 2004. “The primary focus of the juvenile justice agenda, at least among the [San Francisco] Probation Department, was to build a new juvenile hall,” said Daniel Macallair, executive director of the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice and a practitioner-in-residence at San Francisco State University. At the time, the justice center consisted of a number of so-called cottages with a maximum occupancy of 135. “It was overcrowded all the time. Kids had been sleeping on the floors,” Miller said. “I worked in the mayor’s office when we built this building and everyone believed we needed that size.” A prison building boom was already underway in California and other states across the country, and now it had reached the kids. The federal government began distributing hundreds of millions of dollars to states and municipalities earmarked for the construction of larger juvenile detention facilities. But by the time San Francisco’s new juvie opened in 2005, the crime wave was over. Youth crime rates continued to plummet for the next two decades. According to a 2025 report by the advocacy group The Sentencing Project, juvenile arrests fell 75% from 1995 to 2023. From 2000 to 2023, the youth incarceration rate declined 74%. The nation was riddled with empty jails built for kids. “It was a major public policy blunder,” Macallair said. “And we spent hundreds of millions of dollars on it.” San Francisco’s juvenile hall “was never full from the day they cut the ribbon,” Miller said. ‘It was a misnomer’ Continuing to operate the current facility is expensive. But after voting to close the hall, the city soon realized the alternatives would cost even more. The legislation vaguely stated the intention to “expand community-based alternatives to detention, and provide a rehabilitative, non-institutional place or places of detention, in a location approved by the Court.” But those alternatives could never have led to the full closure of juvenile hall because state law requires that youth arrested for certain offenses be detained at secure facilities. The mandate also didn’t come with any funding. To this day, San Francisco is still paying off its mostly empty juvie, paying more than $2 million each year to service the total $22.3 million remaining debt on the facility’s construction. The jail won’t be paid off until 2034. A new justice center or even a remodel of the old one would cost millions the county doesn’t have. Patti Lee, the assistant chief of defense for the Public Defender’s Office, who previously worked in the public defender’s juvenile unit for three decades, had lobbied for the legislation. She said she told the supervisors at the time that it wouldn’t be that easy. She believes the campaign to close the Juvenile Justice Center mismanaged expectations. “ Maybe we shouldn’t have said close juvenile hall,” she said. “It was a misnomer.” A “Close Juvenile Hall Work Group” considered alternative spaces — a former foster home, an old hospital — but ultimately rejected them all. Covid slowed their work, and emptied the hall even further. In 2020, as the average daily population at juvie plummeted to 17, the yearly cost to jail a child reached just shy of $900,000. The work group submitted its final report in November 2021, a month before the Board of Supervisors’ legislation targeted for the closing of the hall. It offered recommendations for how to improve the city’s juvenile justice system writ large, but no plan to wind down operations at the current facility. Macallair, who was also on the work group, acknowledges that the primary objective of the Close Juvenile Hall Work Group was in its name. It was expected to offer a solution. “I think the [work group] failed on that,” he said. ‘It’s going to cost more’ On an average day in 2018 , 47 beds at the Juvenile Justice Center were occupied of a total 150, and it cost $266,000 a year to jail a child. In 2025, the cost had nearly doubled, to $543,015 — calculated by dividing total budget by daily population. The facility had an average daily population of only 31, leaving nearly 80% of beds empty. Many cells are now used for storage. Fewer kids mean higher fixed costs per child. And the population itself has greater needs. The city stopped sending youths to alternative facilities outside the city, some of which closed due to low occupancy. In 2022, California dissolved its state youth prison system, which housed children convicted of very violent acts. Counties were suddenly responsible for creating “Secure Youth Treatment Facilities,” requiring additional segregated housing units, individually tailored rehabilitation plans, and 24/7 counselors. In San Francisco, the program has cost an additional $8.7 million from fiscal years 2019-20 to 2024-25. Still, Miller admits that the cost of the hall is high. “You have fixed costs when you run buildings, so it’s really expensive,” she said. “And also [the kids] are worthy of really important investments for themselves and for all of us. If we don’t do that, no one is safer. And they’re going to live a kind of life that none of us want for them.” Macallair frames the cost in terms of the now-shuttered youth prisons formerly run by the state. “ You had one staff person for 30 kids and there was a lot of violence,” Macallair said. “You have to have a good ratio of staff to kids in order to change the environment. So it’s going to cost more.” But not everyone agrees. “ I think it’s overstaffed for the few kids that we have,” said Lee. When asked about the high cost of running the hall, she replied, “ I still find that shocking.” ‘It’s better now than it was’ At a glance, the justice center hasn’t changed much in decades, from its imposing intake area to its Escher-like hallway. “All of these secure facilities for kids that came online in the early 2000s, they feel of a particular era,” said Miller. “ We built these institutions that looked like jails and prisons for kids in the early 2000s, probably across the whole country. They all looked the same. One of the architects who helped design this building told me a few years ago that they would never design a building like that today.” But while the building is the same, the programming has changed significantly since 2019. Of the eight living units, only five are currently used for their intended purpose. One is a “merit room” with video games, a piano, and a recording studio. Two others were repurposed as a gym and a cooking space for a newly introduced culinary course. Aside from the living spaces, the justice center also has an indoor basketball court, a dedicated wing for classrooms where the incarcerated attend school, and a very large backyard with a barbecue and planter boxes where food is grown. The homiest room in the facility is a space where families come to visit their imprisoned loved ones. The room has a view of the ocean in the distance. A colorful side room caters to toddlers and small children, either younger siblings coming to visit their locked up siblings, or babies visiting their young parents. In the corner, a tiny cloth playhouse is set up for toddlers. The hall hosts workshops aimed at deprogramming toxic masculinity and understanding the impacts of crimes on their victims, developed by incarcerated people at Soledad State Prison and San Quentin, respectively. Soon after children arrive at the hall, they’re greeted by a “credible messenger,” an employee of a community-based organization with carceral experience, who is more able to connect with the youth than regular staffers. Credible messengers are an almost constant presence. “Because I’ve been a critic of the place for a long time, it’s hard for me to concede we have a rich array of services,” said Macallair. “It’s better now than it was before.” Community justice activists, Public Defender’s Office staff, and the president of the Juvenile Probation Commission agreed. Much of the praise for how the hall has changed is credited to Miller. ”Katy Miller is probably the best chief probation officer that we’ve had the fortune to work with,” said Lee. “She’s very pro-child.” But that praise comes with a caveat that echoes the failed 2019 push to close the hall. “ A jail is a jail is a jail,” Lee said. “You can only slap so much lipstick on a pig. If you ask any youth that goes into juvenile hall, whether it was back in the ’80s, ’90s, or currently, their first request is, ‘When can I get out?’” In 2024, the Juvenile Probation Department commissioned the architectural firm KMD to design a remodeled justice center. The plans envision a campus-like space, with a green central plaza in place of two of the existing living units. Large windows and natural light accentuate a series of new and renovated buildings. Dedicated training spaces would teach kids how to barber, smith, cook, and grow vegetables. If the current hall reflects an era that tried to solve youth crime by locking kids up and throwing away the key, the KMD design is a contemporary dream of how to rehabilitate kids into happy, productive adults. The designs were spurred not by any work group or Board of Supervisors vote, but primarily by the Juvenile Probation Department. Kids detained at juvie for longer stays were paid for their input on the new designs. “ When our kids were given the opportunity to dream, what they actually dreamed up looks like a junior college and not like a house,” said Miller. The projected cost to realize this new, blue-sky dream? $220 million.

Newsom is MIA in schools shutdown. Plus: Where do SF electeds send their kids?

You’re reading Power Play, The Standard’s twice-weekly newsletter about City Hall and San Francisco politics. To receive Power Play directly in your inbox, sign up here . Got tips? Send to us at powerplay@sfstandard.com . Are school strikes the new wildfires? If San Francisco parents can take one consolation from their days-long scramble for child care, it’s this — they won’t be alone for long. While the City by the Bay makes headlines for its striking educators, unions in eight other California school districts have voted to approve strikes, including Oakland, Los Angeles, San Diego, Sacramento, and San Bernardino. So, where is Gov. Gavin Newsom in all this? Well, Friday he’s flying to Munich with a bevy of heavy-hitter national Democrats, like Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , to court European leaders and upstage President Donald Trump , all while parents back home are tearing their hair out over school closures. He hasn’t done nothing — Newsom has a major reform in his budget this year to move authority of the California Department of Education under the governor’s office, winnowing the role of the state superintendent and adding some funding for the next two years. There’s also a $46 million funding increase for schools, though that’s a drop in the bucket compared with SFUSD’s needs alone. When Power Play asked SFUSD boss Maria Su on Tuesday if she’d heard from Newsom or other state leaders on the district’s request for financial support, she said simply, “We have not heard back.” Newsom’s office did not respond to a request for comment. Despite the radio silence, it seemed the cavalry was on the way Tuesday, when state Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond stepped into negotiations to mediate between the district and union, upstairs in the War Memorial and Performing Arts Center. There were hopes that Thurmond, who is a gubernatorial candidate, could provide insight into how SFUSD could meet the teachers’ demands while still satisfying state oversight of the district’s dire finances — wiggle room, in other words. And there were whispers among union members picketing the War Memorial that Thurmond was about to take their side in talks and push the district over the hump on the sticking points: salary increases, fully funded dependent healthcare, and special-education staffing. Instead, insiders tell us, Thurmond reaffirmed that SFUSD has to make “financially responsive” offers. And he was out of the War Memorial almost as quickly as he arrived. On Wednesday morning, Su was diplomatic, saying, “State Superintendent Tony Thurmond said to both parties, ‘Get this done.’” Asked if he offered specific help, Su shook her head. Thurmond’s office did not respond to a request for comment. It looks like each California school district will need to deal with labor issues on its own — without the governor or a state education honcho to back them up. — J.F.R. and G.G. Public officials, private schools: Part 1 We all know the SFUSD does not have the best reputation, but city leaders have never shied away from expressing their support for teachers and public schools. But no matter how publicly supportive they may be, their decision on where to send their children speaks volumes. Start with Superintendent Su, who identified herself as a “former SFUSD parent” in her inaugural press release in 2024 but rarely discusses the details of that title. In a 2025 interview with KALW , Su said her two sons attended SFUSD elementary and middle schools in the Ingleside area, “and then for high school, we chose a different route.” Sources say Su’s older son graduated from a local private high school, where the younger son is currently enrolled. Mayor Daniel Lurie , heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, went to private schools, and his two children attend private schools in the city . Of the 11 members of the Board of Supervisors, only four are parents of school-age children: Myrna Melgar , Connie Chan , Stephen Sherrill, and Chyanne Chen . Of those, Melgar and Chen are SFUSD parents. Chan’s son is in private school, but she emphasizes that she’s “a proud graduate of Galileo High School,” and her son attended Lafayette Elementary School. Sherrill said he’s “currently navigating the kindergarten process for the first time and looking at all available options.” Shamann Walton and Melgar’s older children graduated from SFUSD schools. Supervisor Danny Sauter has a newborn, and the remaining supervisors do not have children. Power Play is taking classroom attendance for other SF politicos’ children; we’ll share more of our findings in a future email. — H.L. and J.F.R. Correction: A version of this story in Wednesday’s Power Play newsletter did not include information about Melgar’s child attending an SFUSD school. Big money backs Lurie — again A new independent expenditure committee linked to Lurie’s web of well-heeled donors could bring in lots of dough to this year’s supervisor candidates and ballot measures. “SF Believes,” filed Feb. 5, is being run by the same people behind the “Believe in SF, Lurie for Mayor 2024" committee that brought in $6.7 million from contributors like the mayor’s mother, Miriam Haas , and former WhatsApp CEO Jan Koum . SF Believes was registered by Lurie’s pal Alec Perkins , CEO of Hunter Capital Management and a board member of the mayor’s Tipping Point Community, along with Adam Clammer , founder of True Wind Capital. It is also getting help from the consultancy and communications firm The Media Company and its veteran consultant Dan Newman , who worked on Lurie’s 2024 committee. “San Francisco has made remarkable progress over the past year, and this past [Super Bowl] weekend was a powerful reminder of the energy and optimism people are feeling about the city,” said Emily Matthews , a spokesperson for The Media Company. “SF Believes is focused on building on that momentum by supporting initiatives and candidates that sustain San Francisco’s success.” No donors or expenses have been filed yet, but the committee will be supporting Lurie’s allies and initiatives, which could include Supervisor Sherrill’s D2 race and the Muni parcel tax measure. — G.G. PG&E to face grilling Considering the anger toward Pacific Gas & Electric during December’s blackouts, a hearing Thursday in front of the Board of Supervisors’ public safety committee could get charged. The committee has summoned PG&E CEO Sumeet Singh , Senior VP and Chief Customer Officer Vincent Davis , and Bay Area local government affairs manager Sarah Chavez-Yoell . “PG&E looks forward to sharing with the Board of Supervisors information about the Mission Substation outage in December as well as the progress we’re making operationally and in improving our communication with customers and officials,” the company said in a statement. The committee will be asking how the failure of one of the utility’s substations caused a daylong blackout in large swaths of the city, about coordination between the company and emergency services, and about why some neighborhoods got power back and others didn’t and what PG&E is doing to prevent another incident, according to Supervisor Bilal Mahmood . “The priority is accountability,” he said. “Understanding their context on what went wrong during the blackout.” — G.G. Socialists to supes: You failed The Democratic Socialists of America’s San Francisco chapter just released a report card on the city’s 11 supervisors — and it’s brutal. The DSA laid out 20 key issues and compared how each supervisor voted, blasting the “moderate supermajority” for backing what they view as increased mayoral power, corporate interests, and punitive responses to social crises over the needs of working-class residents. Not surprisingly, outspoken progressive Supervisor Jackie Fielder got an A. The only issue in which she broke with the DSA was in backing Lurie’s fentanyl state of emergency. Walton got a B after voting to support the mayor’s budget. Chan, often seen as unapologetically progressive, earned a C. She’s at odds with the DSA on multiple issues, including the police budget. Chen also received a C, and Melgar got a D. The other five supervisors, generally considered more moderate, all received Fs. Supervisor Alan Wong was not rated because he doesn’t have a full year of voting records. Chan, who is running for Congress, released a statement through her campaign striking a conciliatory tone. “We look forward to continuing to work with DSA-SF to support working people in our city,” said campaign spokesperson Julie Edwards . “Connie understands San Franciscans won’t agree 100% of the time and she values open-dialogue with the community.” — H.L. In case you missed it MAHAN’S RUN : The Standard interviewed gubernatorial candidate Matt Mahan on our “Pacific Standard Time” podcast. Here are four takeaways . GARRY’S LIST : Outspoken techie Garry Tan isn’t leaving California like other Silicon Valley moguls. Instead, he’s starting a nonprofit for voter education. ETHICS VIOLATION : Planning commissioner Kathrin Moore has been fined $12,000 for approving projects involving an architecture firm from which she receives income.

PST: The SF teachers strike + governor candidate Matt Mahan

Asian Art Museum

Office of the City Administrator

Adult Probation Department

Airport

Arts Commission

Office of the Assessor-Recorder

Board of Appeals

Office of the Clerk of the Board of Supervisors

Office of the City Attorney

Department of Children, Youth and Their Families

Controller's Office

Planning Department

Civil Service Commission

District Attorney's Office

Department of Building Inspection

Department of Early Childhood

Department of Emergency Management

Department of Police Accountability

Department of Public Health

Department of Public Works

Office of Economic and Workforce Development

Environment Department

Ethics Commission

Fine Arts Museums

Fire Department

Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing

Human Rights Commission

Department of Human Resources

Human Services Agency

Health Service System

Juvenile Probation Department

Public Library

Municipal Transportation Agency

Office of the Mayor

Public Defender's Office

Police Department

Port

Public Utilities Commission

Recreation and Park Department

Department of Elections

Retirement System

Rent Board

Sheriff's Department Office of Inspector General

Sheriff's Department

Department of Technology

Office of the Treasurer & Tax Collector

War Memorial

Department on the Status of Women

General City Responsibilities

General Administration & Finance

Culture & Recreation

Community Health

Human Welfare & Neighborhood Development

Public Works, Transportation & Commerce

Public Protection

SF Civil Grand Jury

The Abatement Appeals Board provides a final review process for City permitting decisions. It ensures fair and efficient adjudication of permit-related disputes before an impartial panel. The board holds authority to make binding decisions on appeals concerning notices of abatement.

Abatement Appeals Board

Abatement Appeals Board Commissioner 1

Abatement Appeals Board Commissioner 2

Abatement Appeals Board Commissioner 3

Abatement Appeals Board Commissioner 4

Abatement Appeals Board Commissioner 5

Abatement Appeals Board Commissioner 6

Abatement Appeals Board Commissioner 7

The Access Appeals Commission provides final reviews for a wide range of City permitting decisions. It ensures an efficient, fair, and expeditious permit issuance process through an impartial panel. The commission holds authority to make binding decisions on appeals related to City permits.

Access Appeals Commission

Access Appeals Commission Commissioner 1

Access Appeals Commission Commissioner 2

Access Appeals Commission Commissioner 3

Access Appeals Commission Commissioner 4

Access Appeals Commission Commissioner 5

The Adult Day Health Care Planning Council advises on the development and improvement of adult day health care services. It provides expertise in healthcare planning, policy recommendations, and program evaluation. Key responsibilities include assessing community needs and advising on service delivery enhancements.

Adult Day Health Care Planning Council

Adult Probation Department supervises individuals on probation and facilitates their reintegration into the community. It provides reentry and rehabilitative services, including victim restitution and financial assistance for crime victims. The department values public safety, offender rehabilitation, and community partnerships.

Cristel Tullock

The Advisory Committee of Street Artists and Crafts Examiners evaluates arts and crafts applicants and monitors program compliance. It conducts studio visits and public screenings to ensure adherence to established criteria. Members also revise program criteria and undertake additional tasks as needed.

Advisory Committee of Street Artists and Crafts Examiners

The Advisory Council on Human Rights advises on anti-discrimination laws and racial equity initiatives. It provides expertise on reparations and public policy impacts on Black communities. It guides efforts to establish partnerships with Historically Black Colleges and Universities in San Francisco.

Advisory Council on Human Rights

San Francisco Airport manages air traffic operations and ensures safe aircraft movement. It provides parking facilities and maintains airport infrastructure to accommodate travelers and staff. The department oversees ground transportation and coordinates with airlines for efficient passenger services.

Mike Nakornkhet

The Airport Commission oversees policy and strategic planning for San Francisco International Airport. It makes key decisions on airport development projects and financial management. It ensures compliance with regulations and collaborates on initiatives like terminal naming.

Airport Commission

Airport Commission Commissioner 1

Malcolm Yeung

Jose F. Almanza

Mark Buell

Susan Leal

Airport Director

Animal Care and Control Department manages animal sheltering, adoption, and emergency response services. It enforces animal-related laws and regulations, ensuring the humane treatment and safety of animals. The department also provides public education on responsible pet ownership and animal welfare.

Animal Care and Control Department

Virginia Donohue

Animal Care and Control Department, Director

The San Francisco Arts Commission oversees the integration of arts into city life and ensures public access to cultural experiences. It makes decisions on public art programs and allocates grants to support local artists and performances. The commission actively shapes policies affecting the arts ecosystem in San Francisco.

Arts Commission Commissioner 1

Arts Commission Commissioner 2

Arts Commission Commissioner 3

Arts Commission Commissioner 4

Debra Walker

Suzanne Ferras

Jessica Rothschild

Seth Brenzel

JD Beltran

Marcus Shelby

J Riccardo Benavides

Nabiel Musleh

Charles (Chuck) Collins

Lydia So

Arts Commission Commissioner 15

San Francisco Arts Commission invests in a vibrant arts community and shapes cultural policy. It enlivens the urban environment through public art programs and supports diverse artistic expressions. The commission facilitates meetings and discussions to engage the community in cultural development.

Ralph Remington

Arts Commission, Director of Cultural Affairs

The Asian Art Commission determines policy and administers the Asian Art Museum of San Francisco. It oversees museum operations and collaborates with the Asian Art Museum Foundation on fundraising efforts. Commissioners ensure the museum's strategic direction and financial sustainability.

Asian Art Commission

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 1

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 2

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 3

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 4

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 5

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Asian Art Commission Commissioner 13

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 14

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 15

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 16

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 17

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 18

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 19

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 20

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 21

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 22

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 23

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 24

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 25

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 26

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 27

Asian Art Museum showcases Asian art and culture through exhibitions and educational programs. It offers diverse collections and hosts special events to engage the community. The museum fosters cultural appreciation and understanding by providing access to its extensive art collections.

Dr. Soyoung Lee

Asian Art Museum, Director

The Assessment Appeals Board #1 hears property tax assessment appeals in San Francisco. It evaluates evidence presented by taxpayers and the Assessor to determine property values. The Board has the authority to make final decisions on assessments regardless of property type or value.

Assessment Appeals Board #1

Assessment Appeals Board #1 Commissioner 1

Assessment Appeals Board #1 Commissioner 2

Richard Lee

Stephen Wasserman

Adena Gilbert

Paul Bellar

Quirina Mitchell

Hilary Winslow

The Assessment Appeals Board #2 adjudicates property tax assessment appeals for San Francisco taxpayers. It evaluates evidence presented by taxpayers and the Assessor to determine accurate property values. The Board exercises authority to render final decisions on residential properties and specific real estate assessments.

Assessment Appeals Board #2

Assessment Appeals Board #2 Commissioner 1

Assessment Appeals Board #2 Commissioner 2

Assessment Appeals Board #2 Commissioner 3

Claire Ervin Lee

Louisa Mendoza

Joyce Lewis

Nicholas Goldman

Michelle Domingo

The Assessment Appeals Board #3 provides a platform for San Francisco taxpayers to contest property tax assessments. It conducts hearings where evidence from both taxpayers and the Assessor is evaluated. The Board makes binding decisions on property assessments based on presented evidence.

Assessment Appeals Board #3

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 1

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 2

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 3

Marc Dickow

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 5

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 6

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 7

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 8

Assesses property, applies exemptions, collects transfer taxes, and records official documents.

Assessor-Recorder

Joaquín Torres

The Ballot Simplification Committee ensures voter materials are clear and understandable. It reviews and revises ballot language to accurately reflect propositions and measures. The committee advises on simplifying complex legal and technical terms for voter comprehension.

Ballot Simplification Committee

The Bayview Hunters Point Citizens Advisory Committee provides policy advice on planning and land use matters in Zone 2 of Bayview Hunter's Point. It offers expertise in land use policies, zoning issues, and urban development. The committee advises the Board of Supervisors, City Boards, and commissions on relevant projects and initiatives.

Bayview Hunters Point Citizens Advisory Committee

The Behavioral Health Commission advises on mental health policy implementation and quality service delivery. It reviews and advocates for effective mental health services, ensuring policies meet community needs. It educates stakeholders to integrate mental health considerations into broader health strategies.

Behavioral Health Commission

The Bicycle Advisory Committee advises on making bicycling safer and more accessible in San Francisco. It provides recommendations to city agencies to address traffic violence and climate change. The committee advocates for cyclists and addresses biking-related complaints.

Bicycle Advisory Committee