NYC has the Mamdani squad. Where have all the San Francisco socialists gone?

Tuesday’s New York City primary contest saw major victories for progressive and Democratic Socialist candidates, solidifying the rise of the city’s left-leaning political power base. Meanwhile, in San Francisco, lefties are licking their wounds after an early June primary contest saw near-total defeat for them as progressive power is on life support at City Hall. The contrasting results, occurring just weeks apart, reveal two of the country’s most influential cities are charting considerably different political paths. Last year, New York City elected its first-ever democratic socialist mayor, Zohran Mamdani. His preferred congressional candidates — Darializa Avila Chevalier, Brad Lander, and Claire Valdez — all saw victories on June 23. In San Francisco, a corporate-friendly, technocratic mayor was elected in 2024, Daniel Lurie, and he, too, saw all of his priorities succeed during the June 2 primary . That includes the failure of Prop. D, an increase in business taxes championed by labor interests. The divergence reveals a central tension in urban Democratic politics in the U.S.: whether affordability anxiety pushes working-class voters left toward democratic socialism, pushing for an overhaul of the economy, or toward technocratic moderates promising competence and stability. The answer, it turns out, depends heavily on demographics as much as ideology. “Everybody is looking at New York with a little bit of envy,” said Aditya Bhumbla, former co-chair of San Francisco’s Democratic Socialists chapter. “We want that here.” Nationally, the country has always had a perception that San Francisco is a hotbed of lefty politics. But the reality is a lot more complicated. The last progressive mayor was Art Agnos, who served from 1988 to 1992. In more recent years, the city saw a major backlash to progressivism, with voters ousting three school board members in 2022 who were perceived as too far to the left. The same year, voters booted District Attorney Chesa Boudin over his progressive views on criminal justice . In the 2024 election, progressive candidate Aaron Peskin placed third, while moderate candidates took over the Board of Supervisors. Why the two cities have diverged so drastically in their politics comes down to a number of factors: demographic trends, how the issue of affordability impacts both cities, and structural differences in the way elections are conducted, political observers told The Standard. They warned that the comparison is not a perfect one: San Francisco’s population is a 10th of New York City’s, and it’s also a sixth of the land size of the East Coast city, which features five boroughs, creating a much more diverse voter base when it comes to class and race. The first critical difference is income. Over the last decade, San Francisco’s median household income grew more than twice as fast as New York City’s — 37.5% compared to 15.2%, according to U.S. Census data — leaving the two cities at $150,600 and $85,980, respectively. “I think that explains a ton of it,” said Daniel Anderson, a political consultant who worked on progressive candidate Natalie Gee’s unsuccessful June campaign for District 4, about the income differences. “Just in terms of people’s sensibilities, the things they care about, the things they don’t care about. Those types of [working-class] people are not in [San Francisco] as much anymore.” There are also racial differences. “San Francisco is whiter, less black, and less Latino, and that is going to skew it rightward,” said Lincoln Mitchell, who splits his time between New York City and San Francisco as a Columbia University politics professor. Where those lower income people move to also matters for the electorate. Mitchell said there are many more options for working-class people to move within New York’s five boroughs compared to the Bay Area’s limited geography. “The difference in San Francisco is you get pushed out of the city,” Mitchell said. “You’re in Oakland, and then you’re not voting anymore.” He also said that the way the two cities conduct their elections creates a higher possibility of more left-leaning candidates succeeding in New York City. The East Coast metropolis uses a closed primary system, meaning that only registered Democrats can vote in the Democratic primary. Since the city is majority Democrat, the Republican primary is essentially ceremonial, and the Democrat who wins is all but guaranteed to prevail in the November general election. In San Francisco, the races are nonpartisan and party affiliation doesn’t limit who you can vote for. Mitchell explained that in the case of mayoral elections, a Republican or Independent voter in San Francisco can help push a moderate candidate like Lurie to victory. “Neither of these mayors would have been elected under the electoral system in the other city,” Mitchell said about Mamdani and Lurie. Some blame the lack of progressive success in San Francisco on how moderates have shaped their messaging — an effective one, they admit. “The moderate faction in the city did a better job of painting a story for why the city is currently dysfunctional,” said Saikat Chakrabarti, a progressive former aide to Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez who came in third during San Francisco’s June congressional primary . “That’s why their version is winning.” He described the moderates’ platform as a form of “reactionary politics.” “That tends to work,” he said. “Blaming progressives for the failures of the city: We’re too compassionate. We’re already taxing everyone too high.” Chakrabarti added that the city’s existing progressive network — that includes his opponent Supervisor Connie Chan, whom he trailed behind in third place — makes it harder for an insurgent style of politics like his to make inroads. A centimillionaire who made his fortune as an early employee of the technology company Stripe, Chakrabarti ran a populist campaign that leaned on affordability and taxing the rich. “In San Francisco, there is more of an institutional progressive establishment,” he said.“There’s the moderate establishment, and then there’s the institutionalized progressives. I would argue that it has been hard for progressives to run on a change message because they are part of the establishment.” Others say the amount of money aimed against progressive causes — most recently from technology interests — has stymied their success. The dueling tax battle in June saw $6.6 million raised for a business-backed ballot measure initiative, Prop. C, against the labor-backed Overpaid CEO Tax, Prop. D, which brought in half the amount of donations. Lurie’s circle of donors also forked over $1.8 million to a PAC called SF Believes , ensuring an uphill battle for the mayor’s opponents vying for Districts 2 and 4 , both of whom lost. “When you look at a city of our size and you look at how much is spent by tech and real estate, it’s obvious that this is a disproportionate priority for them to control and move [the city] in a more conservative direction,” said Dean Preston, one of the first Democratic Socialists elected to the Board of Supervisors in decades in 2019 who lost his seat in 2024 . “We are really the epicenter of tech money in politics.” There are signs that some pockets of progressive politics may be seeing a rise in the city. San Francisco’s DSA former co-chair Bhumbla said membership has seen a big uptick since Mamdani’s primary election in June 2025, from 900 members to 1,300 today. (It’s still only a slice of what NYC’s chapter boasts at over 13,000 members as of December.) But what Bhumbla believes could push San Francisco’s progressives into victory is the same message Mamdani ran on: housing affordability. Efforts are already underway as SF’s DSA chapter gathers signatures for a ballot measure this coming November that would raise money for affordable housing. The time is ripe for a housing affordability message, Bhumbla said, as rents have skyrocketed in the wake of San Francisco’s artificial intelligence boom. “The left in the city should have a clear positive answer on how to bring down rent,” they said. “Especially when the moderates want rent to go up to stimulate the economy.”

A nonprofit keeps 95% of clients out of jail and in court. SF courts want to kill it

Tierra Simms has walked the two blocks from her SoMa workplace to the 7th Street jail countless times. After each visit, the 37-year-old returns with one or a handful of people just released from jail. Many lug their belongings in transparent plastic bags as they follow her back to her office. Her job — and the bulk of the work at the San Francisco Pretrial Diversion Project — is ensuring that those released from jail during their legal proceedings return for court hearings and stay out of trouble in the meantime. By most accounts, the nationally recognized nonprofit has been living up to its responsibilities. A recent report found that an average of 95% of the organization’s clients returned to court as scheduled in 2025. An even higher number — 97% — were not rearrested or charged while awaiting trial. But a year-old squabble with the San Francisco Superior Court may lead to the dissolution of the nearly 50-year-old nonprofit. For decades, SF Pretrial, and then Santa Clara County, were the only counties with such programs. Since its founding, the nonprofit has expanded to more than 100 employees who at any time serve roughly 1,800 clients. The organization has an annual budget of roughly $16 million, funded by city contracts, grants, and donations. In addition to making sure clients return to court, SF Pretrial helps them find housing and treatment for drug and mental health issues, among other services. There is even a hotel near the office, with which the group contracts for clients with no place to go. In 2018, when California passed a law reforming the money bail system, it authorized county probation departments to operate pretrial services. That led to most counties adopting a pretrial system run by law enforcement agencies. But the law had a carve-out for SF Pretrial due to its success and long-standing relationship with the courts. San Francisco Superior Court said it has asked the city’s Adult Probation Department to take over pretrial services to centralize its control over released defendants. The court cited financial issues and a lack of transparency by the nonprofit as the reasons. ‘This decision is not based on sound public policy or what’s best for San Francisco and public safety.’ If Mayor Daniel Lurie’s budget, to be worked out by the end of June, allocates the necessary funds to the Probation Department for a new pretrial services program, the move will be final. SF Pretrial leaders — who include a former San Francisco Police Department chief — say they don’t understand why an organization that has had success for decades is being dismantled. They warn that a law enforcement agency tasked with tracking people who have not yet been convicted of a crime is problematic and that a ham-fisted transition could create chaos for courts already plagued by backlogs and lawyer shortages. They contend that the court’s mismanagement claims have been rectified and that the transparency allegations are unfounded, while stating that the Probation Department has its own troubled history. “This decision is not based on sound public policy or what’s best for San Francisco and public safety,” said SF Pretrial CEO David Mauroff. “The goal is to consolidate power and control between the superior court and adult probation, which is under the court’s authority.” The population of those awaiting trial outside of county jail has been a central focus of debates around public safety. The group is likely to grow following a state Supreme Court ruling on bail reform, clarifying that only people who pose a danger to the public can be held without bail — everyone else must be charged bail they can afford. ‘When I call them by their names, they are always surprised.’ A years-long battle Efforts to move pretrial services under the Probation Department go back years. In 2019, the department tried to take over SF Pretrial’s work by applying for a state pretrial pilot program. It failed to be selected. But in March 2025, SF Pretrial got into hot water over mismanagement of its retirement fund . This led to an investigation by the district attorney and a city review into the nonprofit’s compliance with contracting rules. The upheaval prompted the court to begin its own inquiry into the organization. On June 18, 2025, SF Superior Court CEO Brandon Riley notified Mauroff that the court had filed a Public Records Act request seeking documents about SF Pretrial’s contracts and internal finances. As Mauroff conferred with the nonprofit’s board, he was rebuffed from participating in the court’s investigation. “Hello, Mr. Mauroff. The Court is currently investigating more serious issues regarding San Francisco Pretrial and exploring potential solutions. We respectfully decline your offer to participate,” Riley wrote in an email. ‘Most of the time they are people of color. It feels like they have fallen through the gaps.’ Weeks later, Mauroff sent a follow-up notifying the court that the city no longer viewed SF Pretrial as a seriously problematic nonprofit and that the DA’s investigation had been closed. When the nonprofit refused to hand over the documents, citing the limits of public records laws over nongovernment entities, Riley responded that the court would begin the search for a replacement: “Great! I figured it would come to this.” In October, Riley wrote to the state’s judicial council about his plan to move pretrial work to the Probation Department. Still, the nonprofit continued to inform the court about its improved oversight program for defendants and updates on how it was living up to requirements for city-contracted nonprofits. As the months ticked by, SF Pretrial remained unsure of its future. The nonprofit responded to a Request for Proposals from the SF Sheriff’s Office for the same services it has provided the court, and was awarded the contract. In March, the Probation Department requested $12.8 million from the mayor to stand up its own pretrial unit, saying it was prepared to begin operations July 1, 2026, and would hire nearly 30 new staffers. The issue bubbled to the surface at a hearing last week of the Board of Supervisors’ Budget and Finance Committee, at which members of the Sheriff’s Office, the ACLU, and dozens of other public commenters spoke in support of SF Pretrial as the panel weighed approval of the sheriff’s contract. ‘I was in the Probation Department. This is not what we did. Here, it’s “How can we help you not go back into custody?”’ “It is a challenging process, and one that we feel would take, at minimum, a year,” Sheriff Paul Miyamoto said. “We just had our first meeting with the Probation Department in terms of talking about what their plan is.” Anya Worley-Ziegmann, a coordinator with citizen watchdog group the People’s Budget Coalition, decried the switch to the Probation Department. “No other agency is hiring new positions,” Worley-Ziegmann said. “They are ramming this through and steering us toward a collapse of our pretrial system.” Supervisor Connie Chan said she had questions about the decision, but no representative of the court was present to answer them. The three-member body ultimately forwarded SF Pretrial’s$22.5 million, three-year contract with the Sheriff’s Office to the full board for approval. The court justified its actions, claiming the Probation Department will be more accountable and transparent and will improve public safety. “SF Pretrial refused to provide the records requested by the court, leading to the court’s decision to discontinue its partnership,” a statement said. “The fiscal implications, along with reporting inaccuracies and limited information to judges, demonstrated the urgency of the court’s decision to move forward. The court claimed the nonprofit’s work was shoddy and unaccountable but did not provide data to support its claims. ‘I’ve been homeless before. I can relate to them. When I tell my clients that, they are able to open up.’ No one from the court agreed to an interview to explain its course of action. SF Pretrial responded by pointing out that it handles nearly 40,000 client check-ins each quarter, and occasional discrepancies are addressed in real time. The Adult Probation Department has been planning a takeover since the court reached out last year — yet none of the pretrial services positions have been filled, and no launch is expected until 2027. ‘If it ain’t broke, don’t fix it’ Numerous former judges and lawyers, and the San Francisco Bar Association, oppose the court’s decision to cut ties with the nonprofit. Defense attorney David Rizk called the move “ridiculous” and “foolhardy,” contending that the court, which falls under the state’s judicial branch, has no legal authority to tell the city how to spend its funds. A retired Superior Court judge, who asked to remain anonymous, said she doesn’t understand why the court is playing hardball. “My experience with Pretrial has been, they go the extra mile,” she said. “They go and find the people, look in encampments. They do the kinds of things adult probation’s not going to do. It’s just not in their DNA.” ‘We are not here to put you in jail.’ Elston Mallory, an SF Pretrial case manager and former Marin County probation officer, said the Probation Department’s message will be “Show up or go back to jail,” while the nonprofit’s message is “How can we help you not go back into custody?” SF Pretrial board member Toney Chaplin has been on both sides. A retired Hayward police chief who served in SFPD’s ranks for nearly 30 years, Chaplin said this work has gone under the radar for years. But as a cop, he saw the way that the nonprofit’s employees built trust and relationships in a way that law enforcement simply can’t. “Those people come to court because we make sure they do,” he said of the nonprofit. “If it ain’t broke, don’t fix it.” Additionally, transitioning pretrial services to probation could negatively impact public safety, said retired appeals court Judge Anthony Kline, noting that it could lead to fewer people showing up to court. “It’s a huge mistake,” Kline said. “The public safety of San Francisco, which is pretty high right now, is heavily attributable to this pretrial project.”

Trained in fierce local politics, SF women lead statewide contests

Early results from this week’s primary show four women from San Francisco leading races for statewide positions in Sacramento. Former San Francisco supervisors Fiona Ma, Jane Kim, and Malia Cohen are the front-runners in the races for, respectively, lieutenant governor, insurance commissioner , and state controller. Additionally, incumbent Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis, a San Francisco resident and former diplomat, is the top vote-getter in the race for state treasurer, the position currently held by Ma, who is term-limited. The women are poised to dominate California’s statewide ballot in November — a milestone that would cement the city’s outsized role in shaping state politics and push women’s representation in Sacramento to a historic high. “I think it’s great. I’m always up for having women lead,” said Betty Yee, a former California controller and San Francisco native. “For women, there’s still quite a difficult path to get elected.” Yee was running for governor this year but dropped out after struggling to gain traction in the polls. Susannah Delano, executive director of the California-based nonprofit Close the Gap, which recruits and supports women running for office, said women’s representation in statewide offices is at a historic high. “Thanks to these San Francisco women, we’re definitely in a position to maintain [that representation] after November and maybe even build on it,” Delano said. San Francisco has long served as a launch pad for statewide or national roles. Gov. Gavin Newsom was the city’s mayor before becoming lieutenant governor,then governor; former SF District Attorney Kamala Harris went on to serve as California attorney general, U.S. senator, and vice president. “San Francisco is a very competitive political environment,” said Mary Jung, former chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party. “These candidates have to have it all: intelligence, diligence, and a commitment to public service.” Kounalakis, Ma, and Cohen occupy the top two spots in their respective races, alongside Republican challengers. If the results hold, all three Democrats will enter the November election with a clear advantage in heavily Democratic California. Kounalakis, who has never held local elected office, won the lieutenant governor’s race in 2018. Widely viewed as a potential gubernatorial candidate, she opted to run for treasurer this year instead. Ma, a former Sunset supervisor, later served in the state Assembly and on the California Board of Equalization before being elected as state treasurer in 2018. Cohen, a former supervisor representing Bayview, also served on the Board of Equalization before being elected state controller in 2022. Kim, a progressive Democrat who used to represent SoMa on the Board of Supervisors, lost elections for state Senate in 2016 and mayor in 2018. She then worked for U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaign and the Working Families Party. She could face a more competitive race against state Sen. Ben Allen, a fellow Democrat, in the contest for insurance commissioner. “I’m deeply grateful to have come out on top in a field of 11 candidates,” Kim said in a statement. “California made clear they want an insurance commissioner who will take on the corporations that have abandoned California and driven up the cost of living.” SF talents are ‘quite high’ Yee said San Francisco’s unusually active political culture prepares local leaders for higher office. Despite its small size, the city is home to a dense network of advocacy groups, political organizations, and engaged donors. “You’re going to see a lot of that in play, and I think that really prepares a lot of people to serve in state office,” Yee said. “I think the talent from San Francisco is always quite high.” Jung attended Ma’s election-night party in Japantown. “People were in good spirits. We were anxious to make sure she’s the winner,” Jung said. Ma faces strong competition from fellow Democrats, including California Chief Service Officer Josh Fryday, who was endorsed by Newsom, and former Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs. Both trailed Ma in the latest returns. Jung and Yee said the city’s tradition of political mentorship has developed generations of leaders who have gone on to succeed statewide. Yee, who served on the California Board of Equalization before becoming controller, said prominent San Francisco political figures — including Willie Brown, John Burton, Carole Migden, Harris, and Aaron Peskin — provided guidance throughout her career. “These are people who really care a lot about leadership and what that looks like going forward,” Yee said.

SF had a once-in-a-generation election. But turnout is still ‘abysmally low’

If you voted in Tuesday’s election, you’re in the minority. Early results show turnout in San Francisco hovering around 25%. Even after all ballots are counted, that percentage is likely not to finish much higher, according to political consultant Jay Cheng. “It’s abysmally low,” Cheng said. “I wouldn’t call [the election] boring so much as confusing.” Compared with the last two midterm primaries, turnout this year was anemic. The total will be less than the 46% recorded in June 2022 when voters recalled District Attorney Chesa Boudin in a nationally watched race. It’s even lower than the 53% figure in June 2018, where a mayoral special election after the sudden death of Mayor Ed Lee led to an incredibly competitive race to succeed him. Older, whiter, wealthier voters turn out more consistently in low-turnout elections, although that’s less true historically in San Francisco. What has remained a constant is a bias toward incumbency, where strong political organizing infrastructure and name recognition hold particular weight. That seemed to be the case locally when the two incumbent supervisors, Stephen Sherill and Alan Wong, cruised to relatively easy victories. The headlining race typically drives turnout — the way Charli XCX sells Outside Lands tickets. But this year’s interminable governor’s primary generated little excitement because no candidate emerged from the crowded field until late in the campaign. The leading Democrat didn’t help matters. Former Biden Administration Cabinet member Xavier Becerra, who is likely to advance to the general election in November, was polling in the single digits until just weeks ago. Historically, San Francisco politicians running for governor have juiced local turnout — think Gavin Newsom. This year, the city’s best-known candidate for governor is Tom Steyer, a billionaire climate activist who has never been deeply rooted in local politics. Julie Edwards, a consultant for Supervisor Connie Chan’s congressional campaign, said her team felt plenty of energy on the ground but agreed that the crowded governor’s race did little to boost turnout. “Our campaign felt a lot of enthusiasm,” Edwards said. “But we weren’t the only race on the ballot, and the gubernatorial race may have created some confusion for voters.” That apathy continued despite San Francisco holding what may be its first congressional race in nearly four decades. Cheng said that surprised him. He pointed out that one of the leading candidates, Saikat Chakrabarti, spent roughly $10 million on his campaign, much of it on mailers and commercials, but that effort did not appear to bring many new voters to the polls. He did advance to the November election. “He did not win obviously, but also did not drive turnout,” Cheng said. Turns out that even a once-in-a-generation race to succeed Nancy Pelosi couldn’t get San Francisco off the couch.

Spending on SF ballot measures shatters this decade-long record

Got plans Wednesday evening? Join Standard reporters Hannah Wiley and Emily Shugerman at Manny’s from 6 to 7 p.m. for “Show Me the Money: The Hidden Finance Behind California’s Elections.” Purchase tickets here . When the San Francisco Board of Supervisors banned flavored tobacco in 2017, the cigarette industry responded in turn, pouring a whopping $12 million into a failed repeal of the city’s law during the June 2018 primary. When it comes to ballot measures during primary elections, all was quiet for about eight years … until now. The June primary will be the most expensive in at least a decade on a per-ballot measure basis: With only four propositions before voters, campaigns are raising an average of $3 million per measure, about $300,000 more than the pricey 2018 race, when there were eight. This year, donors have thrown down $12.2 million for ballot propositions, with the majority of that centered on dueling measures over the Overpaid CEO Tax: Measures C and D. The closely watched contest — with huge sums coming from labor and corporate interests — will have lasting political repercussions. A victory for Measure C, which would block the CEO tax and expand relief for small businesses, would signal that business-friendly politics still hold sway in San Francisco and that voters trust the city’s economic recovery over new corporate taxes. A win for Measure D, the Overpaid CEO Act, would suggest a growing populist appetite that could embolden labor and put the city’s moderate majority on notice. The competing measures have been seeing a last-minute surge of donations over the last week. Measure C has raised $200,000 from Meta, while Measure D has raised $500,000 from congressional candidate Saikat Chakrabarti , $400,000 from SEIU Local 1021, and $385,000 from IFPTE Local 21. And it’s not just C and D that are causing totals to soar: Prop. A, a $535 million bond for earthquake safety, has secured $2 million in donations from the likes of crypto billionaire Chris Larsen , DoorDash, and Reddit CEO Steven Huffman . That puts it in roughly a tie with the March 2024 police staffing proposition (which failed) for the fourth-most-expensive primary ballot measure in a decade. Still, 2018 was one for the record books, with $22 million raised on measures. San Francisco State politics professor Jason McDaniel said the spending this cycle is due to a variety of factors that make it hard to draw any specific conclusion, but there are some notable takeaways. He said moderate groups like GrowSF , which emerged during the pandemic, have had several years to refine their fundraising strategies and are now far more effective at raising money for their causes. He also noted that several of the candidates and measures on the June 2 ballot are directly tied to Mayor Daniel Lurie ’s vision for the city, including its economic recovery. It’s no secret that Lurie’s friends have some serious dough . And, similar to certain statewide races , C and D have reignited the war between Big Tech and Big Labor. That’s when voters really see “an increase in spending,” McDaniel said. Tech companies in years past would typically get involved in political issues tied directly to their industry, McDaniel said. But frustration with progressive politics in San Francisco and other cities has pushed the companies to get more involved in races that aren’t directly tied to tech. “Our current era of more tech-inspired spending is about a more broad-based agenda, not about promoting their industry per se,” he said. “It’s more of a competing vision of the city.” — Gabriel Greschler and Hannah Wiley Got tips? Send them to us at powerplay@sfstandard.com . WHAT ABOUT ME?: A potential early endorsement from a prominent group has upset a major candidate in the District 8 supervisor race. The seat, representing the Castro, has long been viewed as the LGBTQ+ political stronghold. The moderate-leaning Alice B. Toklas LGBTQ Democratic Club is moving to exclusively endorse healthcare advocate Gary McCoy in the November 2026 race, with a club membership vote scheduled for June, prompting pushback from former SFMTA commissioner and small-business owner Manny Yekutiel . At a club meeting Tuesday night, when members voted to move forward with the endorsement process, Yekutiel handed out flyers calling the process undemocratic, unnecessary, and insider-y because other candidates were ignored. The campaign added that it simply wants a fair shot in the process and will continue working to earn the club’s support. However, Alice club cochair Jane Natoli praised McCoy’s deep commitment to the club, for which he has also been a co-chair. “He’s someone who has been there for a long time,” Natoli said. Sources told Power Play that the club’s leadership has internal disagreement over the early endorsement, but McCoy’s supporters appear to have enough of a supermajority to advance it. And it’s widely expected that McCoy will secure the sole endorsement. Another candidate, Democratic County Central Committee member Michael Nguyen , said he respects Alice’s decision. — Han Li POA-PILE ON: Mailer after mailer has hammered District 4 supervisor candidate Natalie Gee for her answer to a 2-year-old Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club candidate questionnaire, where she checked a box marked “yes” when asked if the Police Officers Association (the controversial union representing San Francisco’s rank-and-file cops) should be disbanded. We’ve seen six mailers hitting her on her views on public safety, including contributions to former District Attorney Chesa Boudin . Three of the mailers specifically reference her POA position. The race for the District 4 seat — representing the Sunset, one of the city’s most contested swing districts — has become one of the most expensive supervisor races of the cycle, a proxy battle between Lurie-aligned moderates and progressive-aligned challengers. It’s “disqualifying,” read the attack ads from the independent expenditure committee SF Believes, which supports Lurie’s appointee, incumbent Supervisor Alan Wong. Funny that. Because Wong also said the POA should be disbanded. Depending on the year, the POA has been everything from toxic political pariahs for defending officers involved in high-profile shootings, to haloed saviors when the electorate has larger public safety fears. When the group’s power ebbs, it flexes it in the political sphere. SF Believes, which is floating the ads, is a Lurie-aligned independent expenditure committee backed by financiers Adam Clammer and Alec Perkins and has spent roughly $486,000 in the race so far. (That’s a lot of mailers!) A Power Play tipster pointed us toward a 2020 Harvey Milk questionnaire Wong filled out during his race for the City College Board of Trustees, amid George Floyd-era protests, wherein Wong gave the same answer as Gee. So if Wong echoed Gee, are his remarks also “disqualifying?” SF Believes ain’t squawkin’. And the SF POA, which endorsed Wong, did not respond to a request for comment. But Frank Noto , a Wong supporter and president of Stop Crime Action, blasted the questionnaire for its age, saying it “does not reflect” Wong’s current views or record. “Since then, he has been clear and consistent on supporting public safety,” Noto said. For her part, Gee said Wong’s change in stance was in character for the supervisor. “They are trying to confuse voters and distract from the fact that the candidate they are propping up has changed his positions on everything from defunding the police to upzoning to supporting affordable housing,” she said. “I trust that voters in the Sunset are smart enough to look past absurd mailers full of lies and half-truths.” — Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez

Behind the scenes of how Connie Chan got Nancy Pelosi’s endorsement

Happy Memorial Day weekend, Power Players. Today’s newsletter marks the transition of our newsletter to subscriber-only content. From now on, you will continue receiving a portion of the newsletter in your email, with the full version available to subscribers on our website. Please consider subscribing to continue receiving Power Play’s must-read exclusives, analyses, and fun tidbits from the team, as well as the rest of our reporting at The Standard. On Saturday, May 17, Rep. Nancy Pelosi called Supervisor Connie Chan and told her to show up at a Mission District video studio on Monday. She didn’t say why. Chan arrived, sat down next to the speaker emerita, and watched her begin reading from a teleprompter. “I have been watching this race closely with all of you — and I believe one candidate stands above the rest.” To those who’ve known Chan for years, including this reporter, the video itself tells the tale: the surprise and delight on Chan’s face is genuine. Pelosi’s endorsement wasn’t on the books for weeks or months, nor a plan hatched at Chan’s campaign launch. Instead, Chan learned of the influential, potentially campaign-shifting endorsement just one day before it was announced. While the timing took the candidate and the political establishment by surprise, it is not a surprise that Chan was Pelosi’s pick. The speaker emerita’s disdain for the other candidates, state Sen. Scott Wiener and congressional staffer Saikat Chakrabarti, is not exactly a secret. That doesn’t mean Pelosi’s endorsement was a foregone conclusion. Chan announced her run in November, and months flew by with nary a peep from Pelosi. In April, Chan’s allies in Washington D.C. hosted a fundraiser for the congressional candidate, which Pelosi attended. All Chan got out of it, at the time, was a photo with her. It was a disappointment to Chan’s supporters — even congressional interns get that much. But behind the scenes, Pelosi was quietly assessing Chan’s campaign. Insiders tell Power Play that the speaker emerita spoke to key allies in labor and among San Francisco politicos, feeling out the strategic moment to strike. “A lot of people were lobbying for it,” said Kim Tavaglione , executive director of the San Francisco Labor Council. “People were saying, ‘just make the endorsement already.’” Insiders speculate the most convincing argument was Chan’s momentum . While an early April poll painted her as lagging in third, successive polls later in the month showed Chan neck-and-neck with Chakrabarti. She was bouncing back, and the time was ripe for a nudge. The day Pelosi and Chan shot the endorsement video, a flurry of calls followed, rallying Chan’s supporters to quickly meet at In Chan Kaajal Park to shoot the commercial’s B-roll. The next day, the ad hit the stream. If Chan succeeds in clinching the primary, it’ll be remembered as the moment her win over Chakrabarti crystallized. And no one saw it coming, not even Chan herself. — Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez Got tips? Send to us at powerplay@sfstandard.com . DON’T TALK : Prosecutors in Yolo County pursuing murder charges against a San Francisco-based fireworks company are seeking a gag order in response to comments made by the defendants’ attorneys to The Standard in a story this month. In April, five people linked to an illegal fireworks warehouse were indicted by a grand jury on murder and felony conspiracy charges after a 2025 explosion that killed seven employees. Yolo County Supervising Deputy District Attorney Deanna Hays filed a motion Tuesday that bolsters a previous request for a pretrial publicity protective order by Judge Daniel P. Maguire . “[O]n May 15, 2026, an article published in the online news publication The San Francisco Standard included examples of such extrajudicial public statements by counsel for two defendants in this matter,” wrote Hays. “Counsel’s quoted comments appear to mischaracterize the prosecution and the law, inaccurately characterizing the charges as based on a felony murder theory. I believe such statements risk prejudicing the adjudicative proceeding by sowing misunderstanding and publicizing mischaracterizations of the prosecution and relevant law.” The article Hays references raises questions about the prosecution’s charges in light of a May 4 ruling from the California Supreme Court, which tightens the rules around who can be found responsible for murder. Lawyers for the defendants in the case are arguing that the ruling changes how their clients can be charged, since the owners of the fireworks company, Devastating Pyrotechnics, were not on-site when the July 1, 2025, explosion south of Yolo County’s town of Esparto. “Morris is an earth-shattering case,” said Robert Gorman , who is representing one defendant, in the May 15 Standard story. “The only way our guys can be convicted of murder, in my analysis of [the court’s decision in] Morris, is if my client is in that yard helping put together fireworks when the explosion occurred, and my guy survived.” Douglas Horngrad, another defense attorney in the case, told The Standard, “This ruling supports the defense’s position … that there is an insufficient showing to support a felony murder charge.” The Yolo County District Attorney declined to comment, and Gorman and Horngrad did not respond to a request for comment. A hearing on the gag order is set for June 4. — Gabriel Greschler FUN ATTACK: An outside spending group supporting Chan in the congressional race is adding some fun to its political attacks. The union-funded Working Families for San Francisco, a super PAC, has launched a new website called “ Truth About Saikat ,” targeting Chakrabarti. On the site, it has unveiled a memory game built around 20 controversial issues tied to Chakrabarti. To play: 40 folders are laid face-down on the board. Flip two at a time — if they match, the pair is eliminated; if they don’t, they flip back face-down. The catch is you have to remember what you’ve seen. All the cards reference controversies surrounding the candidate, including his lack of local ties and endorsements, his Maryland property, self-funding his campaign, and his touting of connections with Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Sen. Bernie Sanders , neither of whom has endorsed him. Chakrabarti’s campaign described the attack as a desperate waste of money by the PAC. On Friday, Chakrabarti also announced he had secured two endorsements from progressive “Squad” members in Congress — Reps. Rashida Tlaib and Ilhan Omar . — Han Li HAWAII FIVE-0 : Bay Area tech barons have been snapping up prime real estate in Hawaii — and now they may have helped install a friendly face to run its biggest police force, insiders told Power Play. David Lazar , recently retired from SFPD, was named May 20 to lead the Honolulu Police Department, despite coming in dead last in a poll of HPD officers with just 2% support. Lazar , who left the department in May 2025 after losing his bid to become chief, had most recently sought to lead the San Mateo County Sheriff’s Office. He also had ambitions to become SF’s chief, but instead was named on May 20 to lead Hawaii’s largest urban police force in Honolulu. But he’s already unpopular among the rank and file of his new department. A poll of department officers backed the insider, former HPD Major Mike Lambert , by 90%. The next competitor, former lieutenant colonel from the New Jersey State Police Department, Scott Ebner , got 3%. Lazar came in last with only 2% of officers backing his candidacy. MONEY TALKS : California billionaires are mobilizing against a proposed one-time 5% tax on their wealth. The Pelosi vacancy is drawing large sums into a San Francisco race. And the governor’s race has attracted significant sums from monied interests across the state; from labor to tech, and from billionaires to small donations. We’re getting into all of it on May 27 at Manny’s, where “Pacific Standard Time” podcast host Emily Dreyfuss sits down with The Standard’s wealth and power reporter Emily Shugerman and senior politics reporter Hannah Wiley to unpack the mega-donors, nebulously-named PACs, and power brokers quietly shaping what and who ends up on your ballot — and even how you might vote. And Keally McBride , a University of San Francisco politics professor, will explain the broader patterns here and what academic research tells us about how money and big spending actually shape election outcomes. With the primary just one week away, there’s no better time to understand the wealth, power, and influence behind the names and campaigns on your ballot. Buy tickets here .

Her brother was shot dead by police. She says Xavier Becerra let them down

Six years after her brother Sean Monterrosa was fatally shot by a Vallejo police officer, Michelle Monterrosa says she has little trust in politicians charged with delivering justice — including one who is seeking California’s highest office. There are others to blame: the cop who pulled the trigger on June 2, 2020, and officials in the police department Monterrosa holds responsible for the loss of critical evidence. But Xavier Becerra, the former state attorney general and secretary of health and human services in the Biden administration, is near the top of her list. Now, as Becerra has earned front-runner status in his bid for California governor, her remarks to The Standard draw fresh scrutiny on his decision to launch a broad departmental review of the Vallejo Police Department rather than open an independent investigation into the shooting. Monterrosa said she will not be voting for him. “How can we trust someone who continues to put his own advancement before actually standing with the people?” she said. “There are so many career politicians who say their talking points to sound like they’re doing something, when in reality it’s a slap in the face to working-class people.” It was a case that cost the city of Vallejo $8.5 million to settle last month. Sean Monterrosa, 22, who lived in San Francisco, was shot in the back of the head by Det. Jarrett Tonn after Vallejo officers responded to a call regarding looting at a Walgreens. The 2020 shooting occurred amid nationwide protests following the killing of George Floyd. Tonn fired from the back seat of an unmarked truck and through its windshield; he later claimed he believed Monterrosa was reaching for a gun. The object in Monterrosa’s sweatshirt pocket turned out to be a hammer. Three days after the shooting, Becerra, the state attorney general at the time, announced an agreement to help the Vallejo Police Department reform its policies and practices — but stopped short of opening an independent investigation into Monterrosa’s killing. After Solano County District Attorney Krishna Abrams recused herself from the case, the Monterrosa family called on Becerra and Gov. Gavin Newsom to appoint a special prosecutor. Becerra and the California Department of Justice declined to investigate the shooting. Soon after, the public learned that the windshield through which Tonn had fired — a critical piece of physical evidence — had been destroyed. A civilian drone that captured video of the killing in its entirety was seized by Vallejo police the night of the shooting, and the video file had been overwritten by the time the device reached investigators, according to a forensics expert with the U.S. Secret Service. Becerra subsequently launched a criminal investigation, narrowly scoped to the destruction of evidence rather than the shooting itself. But Michelle Monterrosa, who is a master’s degree student in ethnic studies at San Francisco State University, said the probe lacked meaningful follow-through. “It had no teeth,” she said. “And then he reaches out to people organizing with us to say he’ll try to have a meeting with them — the day before he knew he was going to get appointed to the Biden-Harris Cabinet.” She added, “You only get a reach-out when it’s beneficial to their agenda.” Although Monterrosa is critical of Becerra’s handling of her brother’s killing, she has words for all the gubernatorial candidates. “The candidates that are running — they have not, from what I’ve known, reached out to any impacted families who have been harmed by this state through law enforcement agencies,” she said. “I think that’s one of the things that often happens: We have a political moment where people care, and then six years, five years, post-George Floyd can pass by, and people kind of forget that this is still happening.” Becerra’s campaign did not respond to requests for comment. Becerra departed for Washington for his role as secretary of health and human services in early 2021, before either inquiry was resolved. Becerra’s reform agreement lapsed in June 2023, far short of its goals, leading his successor as attorney general, Rob Bonta, to escalate to a full pattern-and-practice lawsuit. Tonn was never criminally charged, and an arbitrator reinstated him with back pay. Vallejo in March agreed to pay the Monterrosa family $8.5 million — its largest civil rights settlement in at least 20 years — to resolve a federal lawsuit. Monterrosa’s withering assessment comes amid increasing scrutiny of Becerra. Recent polls have placed him among the front-runners in the state’s crowded June primary for governor. His rise, following the withdrawal of former Rep. Eric Swalwell amid allegations of sexual misconduct, has drawn fire from fellow candidates Tom Steyer, San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan, and former Rep. Katie Porter, who have challenged him on healthcare, fiscal accountability, and his record in office. For criminal justice advocates, the criticisms run deeper and predate the campaign. During his tenure as attorney general, Becerra received more than $75,000 from law enforcement unions and was repeatedly at odds with efforts to increase police transparency — a notable exception to the progressive image he publicly cultivated. After state lawmakers passed Senate Bill 1421, opening police misconduct records to public inspection, Becerra’s office attempted to claw back records that had already been provided to journalists, threatening UC Berkeley reporters with prosecution for possessing documents his own agency had sent them. The ACLU of Northern California accused him of refusing to follow the law he was sworn to uphold, saying families had waited years for access to investigations into the killings of loved ones. Following the settlement with the city of Vallejo, the Monterrosa family issued a statement. “The loss of Sean will forever be with our family, and no settlement can ease our pain. We have always viewed this process as a vehicle for change in the Vallejo community, and we are encouraged by the immediate changes that have been put into place within the Vallejo Police Department. These reforms were sorely needed, and the fact that there have not been any police shootings by Vallejo PD since Sean’s death shows that they are working.” Michelle Monterrosa cofounded the Sean Monterrosa Project alongside her sister Ashley, who serves on the board of the California Endowment, overseeing $4 billion in healthcare investment statewide. The Sean Monterrosa Project maintains a mural at 24th and Valencia streets in the Mission and secured a street renaming in the neighborhood where Sean grew up — the city’s first such recognition for someone killed by law enforcement. “Uplifting our brother’s life and legacy is no small feat,” she said. “But we know there’s still a lot left to do.”

Scott Wiener explains why he’s not supporting the billionaire tax

This article is from Power Play, a twice-weekly newsletter rounding up the latest City Hall and local politics gossip. To sign up, visit The Standard’s newsletter page . Well, the day has arrived — with the state billionaire tax becoming a reality for the ballot , California’s tallest fence-sitter has finally laid out his position. “I don’t support it.” That’s the official stance state Sen. Scott Wiener told Power Play in a wide-ranging interview Friday. While on the campaign trail, Wiener has voiced his concerns. CalMatters noted that Wiener “ sidestepped ” questions about supporting the billionaire tax, and Politico noted he would stake his claim once the measure qualified for the ballot. While it isn’t quite there yet, the 1.5 million signatures gathered guarantee a path. The lightning-rod measure would levy a one-time 5% tax on the net worth of California billionaires to shore up federal healthcare cuts. Those well-heeled Californians include Google cofounder Sergey Brin , who came out against it , and Uber cofounder Travis Kalanick , who left the state over it. SEIU-UHW, the healthcare union backing the measure, argue that taxing the state’s roughly 200 billionaires will stave off the closure of hospitals, nursing homes, and community health centers. Wiener said he has backed progressive tax measures before (among them U.S. Sen. Elizabeth Warren ’s ultramillionaire tax plan ) but doesn’t think a one-time tax with a quick sunset is the “best approach.” “California already has an unstable boom-bust tax system because of the devaluation of property taxes and reliance increasingly on income taxes on wealthy residents,” Wiener said. “I completely respect why they’re pursuing this. I don’t know that this is the best approach.” Wiener’s rivals, former AOC chief of staff Saikat Chakrabarti and Supervisor Connie Chan, voiced support for the billionaire tax as far back as their first congressional forum, in January. “We cannot take back Congress by cozying up to billionaires,” Chan said at the time. Wiener said he is concerned that outsize spending by opponents to take down the billionaire tax will imperil bond measures to fund transit and other tax measures on the ballot. “I really worry that this billionaire tax has drawn so much national money to attack government that it could drag everything down,” he said. — Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez Got tips? Send to us at powerplay@sfstandard.com . TALK NEXT TIME : The relationship between Pacific Gas & Electric and Wiener has long been chilly, to say the least. The state senator recently authored a “breakup bill” that sought to hand over management of the investor-owned utility to cities. PG&E leadership, unsurprisingly, hated the idea. In a suddenly postponed Monday event , PG&E CEO Patti Poppe and Wiener were supposed to be seated together to talk about “affordability, outages and the ‘Breakup Bill.’” The organizers at the Commonwealth Club cited a last-minute scheduling conflict and are looking for a new date. The utility got heat for the city’s December blackouts, which left 130,000 residents without power during a holiday weekend. City officials have pressed the California Public Utilities Commission to investigate the outage, claiming the state regulator is dragging its feet on an inquiry. The December blackout led Wiener to introduce SB 875, which Power Play wrote about this month after it failed to pass the state Senate committee on energy, utilities, and communications. The legislation would have made it easier for cities to break away from PG&E but faced major opposition from the state’s utility companies. The utility union, IBEW Local 1245, also fought hard against the bill. The labor group’s chief advocate, Hunter Stern , has used fighting words against Wiener: “He has repeatedly attacked the utility. He doesn’t know anything about electricity.” Floating in the background are the gubernatorial race and affordability issues. Billionaire investor Tom Steyer , who has jumped in the polls since former Rep. Eric Swalwell ’s campaign implosion, has promised to treat the utility companies with a heavy hand , vowing to reduce electricity rates by 25% as Californians struggle to pay their increasingly expensive bills. PG&E has responded in kind with a $10 million anti-Steyer PAC . — Gabe Greschler MAKING FRIENDS: A right-leaning D.C. think tank is trying to build relationships in deep-blue San Francisco. The American Enterprise Institute — a mainstream conservative group, though not aligned with MAGA Trumpism — is partnering with Neighbors for a Better San Francisco ( currently in crisis mode ) to host a policy solutions summit Wednesday in downtown San Francisco. The event will feature prominent local officials — all Democrats, natch — including Mayor Daniel Lurie ’s policy chief, Ned Segal , supervisors Rafael Mandelman and Matt Dorsey , school district Superintendent Maria Su , and District Attorney Brooke Jenkins . “I’ve known and loved San Francisco all my life,” AEI president Robert Doar said. “San Francisco has had its ups and downs, but I think it’s on the rise now.” Doar emphasized the critical role of local governance, as he previously served as commissioner of the New York City Human Resources Administration under former Mayor Michael Bloomberg . A rightward drift among local Asian American voters has particularly caught AEI’s attention. In 2024, the city’s Asian voters showed increased support for the GOP and President Donald Trump . AEI has hired a Chinese-speaking outreach coordinator to promote the summit. “Think tanks like AEI may not have worked hard enough to reach communities like the Asian American community,” Doar said. “Let’s do a better job connecting our ideas and our scholars with that community.” But local Democrats may dismiss those efforts, given how unlikely a Republican wave is to emerge in this liberal city. The last time San Francisco elected a Republican mayor was in 1959 . — Han Li NOT IN-KLEINED TO AGREE: You may have felt a great disturbance in the YIMBY Force on Thursday, as if a million voices suddenly cried out “supply and demand!” in terror and were silenced . At least, that’s how this Power Play reporter imagines the cheerleaders of the “build, build, build” movement reacted when its star, New York Times columnist Ezra Klein , said on his podcast, “There has been a decade of housing bills being passed in California. Dozens and dozens of bills, including many that were framed to me as transformative, just weren’t.” Much of the podcast episode derided the outcomes of their own movement, titled after their book, “ Abundance ,” as having failed to materialize. And to top it off, the episode invokes Wiener by name, twice. So in our interview Friday with California’s YIMBY-in-chief, we asked his reaction to Klein’s gloomy assessment. Not unexpectedly, he pushed back. “He’s looking at broad numbers,” Wiener argued. Instead, he is proud that the housing laws he passed led to the creation of tens of thousands of affordable homes statewide. The state has failed to produce housing for years, he said. “It took us 50 years to dig into this. And it’s not the case that all of these laws were in the books ten years ago.” That got us thinking. It was actually more than 10 years ago when Wiener began arguing for more housing supply from his seat on the Board of Supervisors. That includes this full-throated Medium post against the Mission Moratorium , where he said “market-produced housing is essential to getting the job done” to stabilize rental prices. So, we asked: When will the myriad laws he’s passed in those intervening years push down the city’s housing prices? And when can voters begin holding you accountable for your promises that the blindingly obvious economic law of supply and demand will fix the crisis? “I am incredibly flattered and grateful that you attribute power to the one out of 120 legislators to just change the world overnight,” he said. “In terms of how I and my colleagues and the governor should be held [accountable], I don’t know what the exact timetable is, but I think we should be making steady progress.” Well, that clears that up. — J.F.R.

Fire chief’s top aide accused of mishandling union cash

The San Francisco firefighters union is accusing a top Fire Department official, Adrienne Sims, of mishandling funds and plans to report the activity to the authorities, The Standard has learned. Sims, 54, who serves as chief of staff to SFFD Chief Dean Crispen, has been with the department since 2001. She was a board member of SF Firefighters Local 798 for eight years from 2014 to 2022, serving as treasurer for the last two. How Sims allegedly misused money from Local 798, one of the city’s most powerful labor groups, or how much was involved, is not known. It appears the allegations involve expenses Sims charged to the union in 2023. Local 798 President Sam Gebler said the union “recently identified potential irregularities involving union finances.” “This matter involves union funds — not taxpayer dollars,” he said in a statement. “As Local 798 is a private entity, this is being addressed through appropriate internal processes and, where necessary, outside authorities. Local 798 is committed to accountability and safeguarding the finances and integrity of our union. While we are limited in what we can discuss during an active review, we are taking this matter seriously and will ensure it is handled properly.” Sims, in a call with The Standard, denied any wrongdoing. Crispen and the district attorney’s office did not respond to a request for comment. The Standard obtained a video of a Zoom meeting, recorded Friday, in which Sims addresses the accusations with union officials. In the roughly four-and-a-half-minute clip, Sims denies the allegations, saying that in certain cases, there are no records of charges she made to the union. She says she intends to pay back some of her expenses. “The BFA gala that happened three years ago, I paid for because it was going to sell out,” she says in the clip, likely referring to the Black Firefighters Association. “It’s in the minutes, and it is reimbursable. I don’t have a receipt for that BFA gala, so I am having to pay the $2,500 back. There is also a golf tournament that never made it into the minutes. I was not the [union’s] treasurer at the time, and it didn’t make it into the minutes, so that’s $3,500.” In the video, Sims says she had refused to sign a letter Gebler drafted stating that she “participated in misconduct.” “I have hired my own legal counsel to represent me, because dragging my reputation through the mud is unnecessary,” she says. Sims told The Standard she has not yet hired a lawyer and did not know how much money she was accused of mishandling. Gebler declined to comment on the video. When asked if Sims has been put on leave by the SFFD, a spokesperson declined to comment. In the Zoom video and in the call with The Standard, Sims said she has been taking time off since April 1 because of “anxiety and PTSD.” She said her absence was unrelated to the allegations. “As a previous treasurer of Local 798, I do understand the responsibility of President Gebler to be transparent to the members,” Sims said. “It is really not as salacious as people would like it to be.” An SFFD spokesperson said the agency “has not been notified of any criminal or civil charges toward any employee by San Francisco Firefighters Local 798. As information becomes available, the SFFD will work with the city attorney’s office.” Local 798 represents 1,600 firefighters, paramedics, and EMTs. It’s considered one of the most influential labor groups in the city, along with the police union, and politicians eagerly seek out its endorsement. Sims is a native of San Francisco, according to an online biography from the California Firefighter Joint Apprenticeship Committee . In a March 2025 interview with KRON4, she said she was recruited to the department via a female firefighter from Station 18 in the Sunset. Sims said she had faced challenges being a female firefighter in a field dominated by men. “I’m a woman. I’m a Black woman,” she said in the interview. “There’s not a lot of us. Sometimes you do feel, and maybe it’s more self-pressure that you put on yourself, to give 110%, 120%, 200% on this job. It’s not a job that’s necessarily catered toward women.” In 2022, Mayor London Breed posted an online tribute to Sims, whom she described as a “San Francisco native and a woman of many firsts.” “Sims helps recruit the next generation of first responders through her work with the San Francisco Black Firefighters and by teaching classes nationwide as a certified firefighting instructor. She continues to be a leader and inspiration for so many of our young people,” Breed wrote.

Aaron Peskin is not running in D2. He’s the star of its attack ads

This article is from Power Play, a twice-weekly newsletter rounding up the latest City Hall and local politics gossip. To sign up, visit The Standard’s newsletter page . We all knew former Supervisor Aaron Peskin would be name-checked at some point this election. This time, it’s by one of his political archenemies: GrowSF. The Mayor Daniel Lurie -aligned group, the big kahuna in moderate political moneymaking these days, is running ads against D2 candidate Lori Brooke , Power Play has learned. Their line of attack? She’s a Peskin in sheep’s clothing. Brooke is running against Supervisor Stephen Sherrill , a close ally of Lurie’s and a GrowSF favorite who was appointed by former Mayor London Breed in 2024. Brooke and Sherrill will face off in a June contest to fill the remainder of Assemblymember Catherine Stefani ’s term before a November election for a full, four-year term. Brooke and Sherrill are not all that different on topics like public safety or homelessness, but when it comes to housing, hoo boy. Brooke’s detractors like to paint her as the NIMBY Queen of San Francisco. She’s been a fierce critic of Lurie’s state-mandated “Family Zoning Plan,” which aims to increase housing production across the city. Sherrill has been a defender of the proposal, walking a tight line between his wealthy D2 constituents who don’t want their views blocked and the city’s rising and powerful YIMBY faction. Power Play is told the GrowSF ads will cast Brooke as a neo-Peskin, playing off his reputation for blocking housing. It will tie Brooke’s current donors to Peskin-world, including names like land use attorney Richard Drury and progressive communications consultant Dale Carlson , both of whom gave to the former supervisor’s 2024 mayoral campaign. Brooke has also hired staffers for her campaign, Forrest Cameron and Jamie Hughes , who have worked for Peskin’s mayoral bid. “It’s the same agenda, the same team, the same donors, and the same philosophy — and that means the same results: a deeply unaffordable San Francisco stuck in bureaucratic gridlock,” said Steven Bacio , co-founder of GrowSF, in a statement. It’s hard to say how effective the ads will be. Peskin hasn’t been in office for more than a year, and some voters’ resentments toward him may have dampened. But GrowSF also has a huge war chest and can pepper voters with a consistent stream of ads. The latest fundraising figures show the group has scooped up $267,000 for its pro-Sherrill PAC. Sherrill’s June campaign has hoovered up $246,209, while Brooke reports $159,273. And the strategy has been tried before: Former Supervisor Mark Farrell accused his then-opponent Janet Reilly in a 2010 D2 race of being tied to Peskin. Reilly, the favorite, lost to Farrell by a close margin. Meanwhile, Brooke and Peskin had some choice words for GrowSF. “District 2 voters are smart enough to know this is foolish and desperate,” Brooke said in a statement. “You know Stephen is scared when they have over a million dollars and still have to use the Aaron Peskin boogeyman.” Peskin invoked Sherrill’s father, a longtime Republican donor with ties to the firearm manufacturer Remington Arms: “It sounds like a petrified Stephen Sherrill got his right-wing, gunmaker father to fund GrowSF’s absurd hit piece.” — Gabe Greschler Got tips? Send to us at powerplay@sfstandard.com . OUTSIDE MONEY: Two outside spending groups are entering the San Francisco congressional race to boost their preferred candidates to replace retiring Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi . Working Families for San Francisco, which supports Supervisor Connie Chan , has received $200,000 from the hospitality workers union UNITE HERE, affiliated with Local 2 in San Francisco. It has long been rumored that labor groups would launch an independent expenditure committee to support Chan, who has backing from progressive unions, but has been trailing her main rivals, state Sen. Scott Wiener and Saikat Chakrabarti, in fundraising. More money is expected to flow into the effort, according to David Ho , a political consultant running the IE effort. The group has already spent $100,000 on phone banking, canvassing, and digital media production, meaning ads could start appearing soon. A separate IE, Jobs and Democracy, backed by AI company Anthropic, plans to spend $500,000 to support Wiener, according to Politico. The senator has been pushing legislation at the state level to regulate the AI industry. Both campaigns declined to comment, as candidates are prohibited from coordinating with outside spending groups. But all of this IE spending is unlikely to match what Chakrabarti has been pouring into the race — $5 million of his own money. The first major IE in the contest, Abundant Future , is supporting Wiener and has raised about $550,000 so far to attack the former tech worker and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez aide. — Han Li SORRY, SAIKAT: Speaking of Ocasio-Cortez , her cold shoulder to Chakrabarti just went from chilly to arctic tundra. On Friday, AOC endorsed Philadelphia congressional candidate Chris Rabb , a progressive who has pushed for state-level reparations for Black Americans. But didn’t AOC just tell reporters she’s gotta be picky about endorsements, her excuse for withholding an endorsement of her former chief of staff, Chakrabarti? Let’s run back the clock to mid-April, when a reporter asked AOC if she’d back Chakrabarti. She hemmed and hawed, saying she has a lean team and wants to think about “how much of myself I’m pouring into this, and how much of myself I want to pour into the task at hand.” Progressive media pundits at “ The Young Turks ” and “ Breaking Points ” laid into AOC. “What was that? That was a Kamala Harris-like word salad,” said Cenk Uygur , host of “The Young Turks.” One week later, Ocasio-Cortez endorsed Rabb. Tough look for Chakrabarti. — Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez THE D4 DONOR DANCE: The newest campaign filings for the District 4 supervisor candidates show incumbent Supervisor Alan Wong is neck and neck in fundraising with his progressive challenger, legislative aide Natalie Gee, at roughly $120,000 raised each (not counting outside money, which is also roughly equal). But beyond the numbers, the current and former City Hall insiders who are funding them reveals something about the candidates themselves — especially since both had careers under City Hall’s gilded dome. By Power Play’s tally, Gee is getting more insider support, with just over 30 past and present city officials and government workers backing her to the tune of about $6,800. That list includes former Mayor Art Agnos; Supervisors Connie Chan , Myrna Melgar , Jackie Fielder , and Shamann Walton; Superior Court Judge Michael Begert ; and a boatload of fellow legislative aides. Chakrabarti, the congressional candidate, also donated to Gee. Only a dozen officials back Wong, to the tune of $2,250. His City Hall backers mostly stem from the mayor’s office — not a surprise, considering he’s a Lurie appointee. They include mayor’s office Chief of Staff Staci Slaughter , Deputy Chief of Staff Aly Bonde , liaison to the Board of Supervisors Adam Thongsavat , and Director of External Affairs Han Zou. Oh, and of course, Lurie himself. Some of the challengers who have raised less funds nonetheless have some interesting local players among their donors. Sitting with a respectable $111,000 raised, hardware store owner Albert Chow netted donations from former school board member Ann Hsu and former SF Democratic Party board chair Mary Jung . And educator David Lee, who raised $98,000, netted donations from the strangest bedfellows you could imagine in SF politics: progressive firebrand and recalled District Attorney Chesa Boudin and Republican socialite and philanthropist DeDe Wilsey . — J.F.R.

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The Abatement Appeals Board provides a final review process for City permitting decisions. It ensures fair and efficient adjudication of permit-related disputes before an impartial panel. The board holds authority to make binding decisions on appeals concerning notices of abatement.

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The Access Appeals Commission provides final reviews for a wide range of City permitting decisions. It ensures an efficient, fair, and expeditious permit issuance process through an impartial panel. The commission holds authority to make binding decisions on appeals related to City permits.

Access Appeals Commission

Access Appeals Commission Commissioner 1

Access Appeals Commission Commissioner 2

Access Appeals Commission Commissioner 3

Access Appeals Commission Commissioner 4

Access Appeals Commission Commissioner 5

The Adult Day Health Care Planning Council advises on the development and improvement of adult day health care services. It provides expertise in healthcare planning, policy recommendations, and program evaluation. Key responsibilities include assessing community needs and advising on service delivery enhancements.

Adult Day Health Care Planning Council

Adult Probation Department supervises individuals on probation and facilitates their reintegration into the community. It provides reentry and rehabilitative services, including victim restitution and financial assistance for crime victims. The department values public safety, offender rehabilitation, and community partnerships.

Cristel Tullock

The Advisory Committee of Street Artists and Crafts Examiners evaluates arts and crafts applicants and monitors program compliance. It conducts studio visits and public screenings to ensure adherence to established criteria. Members also revise program criteria and undertake additional tasks as needed.

Advisory Committee of Street Artists and Crafts Examiners

The Advisory Council on Human Rights advises on anti-discrimination laws and racial equity initiatives. It provides expertise on reparations and public policy impacts on Black communities. It guides efforts to establish partnerships with Historically Black Colleges and Universities in San Francisco.

Advisory Council on Human Rights

San Francisco Airport manages air traffic operations and ensures safe aircraft movement. It provides parking facilities and maintains airport infrastructure to accommodate travelers and staff. The department oversees ground transportation and coordinates with airlines for efficient passenger services.

Mike Nakornkhet

The Airport Commission oversees policy and strategic planning for San Francisco International Airport. It makes key decisions on airport development projects and financial management. It ensures compliance with regulations and collaborates on initiatives like terminal naming.

Airport Commission

Airport Commission Commissioner 1

Malcolm Yeung

Jose F. Almanza

Mark Buell

Susan Leal

Airport Director

Animal Care and Control Department manages animal sheltering, adoption, and emergency response services. It enforces animal-related laws and regulations, ensuring the humane treatment and safety of animals. The department also provides public education on responsible pet ownership and animal welfare.

Animal Care and Control Department

Virginia Donohue

Animal Care and Control Department, Director

The San Francisco Arts Commission oversees the integration of arts into city life and ensures public access to cultural experiences. It makes decisions on public art programs and allocates grants to support local artists and performances. The commission actively shapes policies affecting the arts ecosystem in San Francisco.

Arts Commission Commissioner 1

Arts Commission Commissioner 2

Arts Commission Commissioner 3

Arts Commission Commissioner 4

Debra Walker

Suzanne Ferras

Jessica Rothschild

Seth Brenzel

JD Beltran

Marcus Shelby

J Riccardo Benavides

Nabiel Musleh

Charles (Chuck) Collins

Lydia So

Arts Commission Commissioner 15

San Francisco Arts Commission invests in a vibrant arts community and shapes cultural policy. It enlivens the urban environment through public art programs and supports diverse artistic expressions. The commission facilitates meetings and discussions to engage the community in cultural development.

Ralph Remington

Arts Commission, Director of Cultural Affairs

The Asian Art Commission determines policy and administers the Asian Art Museum of San Francisco. It oversees museum operations and collaborates with the Asian Art Museum Foundation on fundraising efforts. Commissioners ensure the museum's strategic direction and financial sustainability.

Asian Art Commission

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 1

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 2

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 3

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 4

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 5

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 6

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 7

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 8

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 9

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 10

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 11

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 12

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 13

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 14

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 15

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 16

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 17

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 18

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 19

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 20

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 21

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 22

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 23

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 24

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 25

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 26

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 27

Asian Art Museum showcases Asian art and culture through exhibitions and educational programs. It offers diverse collections and hosts special events to engage the community. The museum fosters cultural appreciation and understanding by providing access to its extensive art collections.

Dr. Soyoung Lee

Asian Art Museum, Director

The Assessment Appeals Board #1 hears property tax assessment appeals in San Francisco. It evaluates evidence presented by taxpayers and the Assessor to determine property values. The Board has the authority to make final decisions on assessments regardless of property type or value.

Assessment Appeals Board #1

Assessment Appeals Board #1 Commissioner 1

Assessment Appeals Board #1 Commissioner 2

Richard Lee

Stephen Wasserman

Adena Gilbert

Paul Bellar

Quirina Mitchell

Hilary Winslow

The Assessment Appeals Board #2 adjudicates property tax assessment appeals for San Francisco taxpayers. It evaluates evidence presented by taxpayers and the Assessor to determine accurate property values. The Board exercises authority to render final decisions on residential properties and specific real estate assessments.

Assessment Appeals Board #2

Assessment Appeals Board #2 Commissioner 1

Assessment Appeals Board #2 Commissioner 2

Assessment Appeals Board #2 Commissioner 3

Claire Ervin Lee

Louisa Mendoza

Joyce Lewis

Nicholas Goldman

Michelle Domingo

The Assessment Appeals Board #3 provides a platform for San Francisco taxpayers to contest property tax assessments. It conducts hearings where evidence from both taxpayers and the Assessor is evaluated. The Board makes binding decisions on property assessments based on presented evidence.

Assessment Appeals Board #3

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 1

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 2

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 3

Marc Dickow

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 5

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 6

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 7

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 8

Assesses property, applies exemptions, collects transfer taxes, and records official documents.

Assessor-Recorder

Joaquín Torres