SF set to pay $8.7M to Black city workers in discrimination settlement

Current and former Black city staffers are set to be awarded a combined $8.7 million as part of a settlement stemming from a lawsuit alleging workplace discrimination in government offices. The lawsuit — filed by Keka Robinson-Luqman, Alicia Williams, John Hill, and William Sparks — claimed that Black employees faced disparities in pay, promotions, and discipline. The case was filed in November 2020, months after the murder of George Floyd, which sparked nationwide protests about the treatment of Black Americans by police departments and a reckoning about social and economic disparities in the community. The four plaintiffs will each receive $ 181,250, while roughly 4,800 other employees will split the remaining $8 million, amounting to more than $1,500 each. Dante King, a founder of the Black Employees Alliance who has spoken out about the treatment of Black employees at City Hall, called the settlement a “landmark agreement that can serve as one mechanism for repair where San Francisco has failed Black employees historically, and still, in many ways, is failing Black employees.” He added, “This is a start to enact some measures of repairs that are seriously needed where Black employees and constituents are concerned.” Felicia Medina, an attorney for the plaintiffs, said, “The money itself is some recognition that there has been some harm done.” The settlement still has some hurdles to clear. It must be passed by the Board of Supervisors and Mayor Daniel Lurie before it heads back to court for final approval, Medina said. The lawsuit’s plaintiffs pointed to the city’s own data to make the case that discrimination existed at City Hall. At the time, Black employees made up 15% of the workforce but filed 32% of Equal Employment Opportunity complaints. Data showed that white employees were paid $15.31 an hour more than Black workers, among other claims of disparities, they argued. Plaintiffs also drew on their personal experiences: As an employee at the Municipal Transportation Agency, Robinson-Luqman said she experienced “relentless harassment and discrimination” by a superior, including one instance where her former boss made a comment about nooses being hung in the office. A spokesperson for City Attorney David Chiu said the city is pleased with the agreement. “San Francisco strives to ensure all employees are paid fairly and have equal access to promotive opportunities,” Jen Kwart said. “We are pleased that we could come to a mutual resolution that avoids the costs of continued litigation and reflects the City’s ongoing commitment to improving its workplace practices.”

Dennis Herrera, fixture of SF politics, to retire

Dennis Herrera, who served six terms as city attorney, will step down as general manager of the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission in December, he said Tuesday. Herrera, who was first elected as the city’s lawyer in 2001, touted his role in defending former Mayor Gavin Newsom’s 2004 decision to issue same-sex marriage licenses before the Supreme Court and filing the first lawsuit against the Trump administration in 2017 for threatening to withhold funding from sanctuary cities. Herrera remained in office before joining the SFPUC in 2021, replacing former General Manager Harlan Kelly who stepped down amid accusations of accepting bribes. (Kelly was convicted in 2023.) “This decision comes with a mix of emotions,” Herrera said in a statement. “It has been the greatest honor of my professional life to serve the people of this city. San Franciscans are smart, compassionate, and resilient. It has been an incredible privilege to serve alongside so many dedicated people across San Francisco to help make our city even better. I will always cherish that, but now is the right time to start a new chapter in life.” Mayor Daniel Lurie will nominate Herrera’s successor at the SFPUC, which regulates the city’s electrical and water services. In this role, Herrera advocated for creating a public power utility to replace PG&E, a controversial proposal that could be stymied if Lurie selects someone opposed to it. Herrera was the first Latino elected as San Francisco city attorney. “It’s so hard to just put in a few sentences how amazing Dennis was,” said U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria, who spent nearly a decade in the San Francisco city attorney’s office before his appointment to the federal bench in 2014, before pausing to collect himself. “I’m sorry, I’m actually getting kind of emotional right now.” Chhabria praised Herrera’s unwavering commitment to the office. “No matter the situation, he always cared first about being a lawyer for the city,” he said. Supervisor Matt Dorsey, who worked in the city attorney’s office for 14 years, described Herrera as a friend and mentor who modeled professionalism in public service for nearly three decades. “Dennis Herrera is the kind of city leader who really demanded excellence from the people who worked on his team and usually got it,” Dorsey said, citing public officials who came up through the office as evidence of that standard, including former Vice President Kamala Harris, state Attorney General Rob Bonta, and state Sen. Scott Wiener. State Sen. Scott Wiener, who was among the first attorneys Herrera hired upon becoming city attorney, worked for him for nearly a decade and said he has continued to seek his advice in the years since his own election to public office. “In his two capacities and across the six different mayors he worked with,” Wiener said, “he understood that his job was to deliver for the people, rather than get caught up in political feuds.” Former San Francisco Supervisor Carole Migden, who helped run Herrera’s first campaign for city attorney, praised the retiring official as an extraordinary public servant who “did a Herculean job” and aggressively pursued wrongdoers throughout his tenure. Pressed on how the city might cultivate more leaders like Herrera, Migden said it was possible, even without “extraordinary superpowers.” The key, she said, was demanding excellence and accountability, encouraging young people to get involved, and showing a willingness to help guide them toward their goals. “One should always be a Dennis Herrera in an elected position,” she said.

The endorsement battle begins in the Chan vs. Wiener fight for Pelosi’s seat

The November congressional contest between Scott Wiener and Connie Chan is expected to highlight the warring factions in San Francisco, largely between the state senator’s moderate YIMBY supporters and the supervisor’s progressive NIMBY coalition. That division is already playing out on the Board of Supervisors, whose 11 members have split their support between Chan, their current colleague, and Wiener, who got his start on the panel. The support is quite lopsided. Wiener shared exclusively with The Standard that Supervisors Bilal Mahmood and Stephen Sherrill have endorsed his campaign, giving him majority support. Board President Rafael Mandelman and Matt Dorsey , Myrna Melgar , and Danny Sauter had already backed Wiener’s bid. “I greatly appreciate the support of Supervisors Mahmood and Sherrill,” Wiener said in a statement. “Their endorsements bolster our campaign in parts of San Francisco where we performed strongly last week. I look forward to getting out in the community with Stephen and Bilal to campaign and meet with San Franciscans, and hear how we can improve their lives and make the city more affordable.” The board’s more liberal members — Jackie Fielder , Shamann Walton , and Chyanne Chen — are supporting Chan. It’s no surprise that Wiener has racked up endorsements on the moderate-majority board, despite Chan’s current role. The six Team Wiener supervisors are all considered pro-housing, centrist Democrats (for San Francisco, of course!), and several dominated in recent election cycles, when concerns about public safety, homelessness, and the city’s slow progress on development pulled voters away from more progressive candidates. “We need a champion for housing and transit in Congress, and there is no one better positioned to carry that torch than Scott,” Sherrill said in a statement. Outside of the board, each candidate has an impressive roster of San Francisco heavy-hitters. For Wiener , there are Assemblymembers Matt Haney and Catherine Stefani , City Attorney David Chiu , Attorney General Rob Bonta , state Treasurer Fiona Ma , four members of the Board of Education, and a long list of other state lawmakers. Chan’s supporters include former mayors Willie Brown and Art Agnos , former Board President Aaron Peskin , and several former progressive supervisors, including Jane Kim and Dean Preston . Perhaps her most consequential endorsement came from retiring Rep. Nancy Pelosi , whose imprimatur, as Power Play has noted before, was worth more than the $10 million Saikat Chakrabarti poured into his congressional campaign. — Hannah Wiley UNDER THE RADAR: Speaking of Chakrabarti’s $10 million, largely self-funded campaign, the centimillionaire who made his money from Stripe has been quietly spending elsewhere, Power Play has learned. Chakrabarti has donated $11 million to local nonprofits since 2020, of which only $1.8 million was during his congressional run, he confirmed. The cynical journalist in us first assumed that the donations were a play to drum up favor among community groups for his campaign. That didn’t pan out: While insiders tell us his donations would’ve gained him goodwill once in office, they likely wouldn’t have helped him get there, since he kept them quiet. Chakrabarti disclosed about two dozen recipient organizations, including the Chinese Hospital, Bayview Opera House, Roxie Theater, SF-Marin Food Bank, and the Transgender District. Darin Ow-Wing , executive director of Livable City, which runs the Sunday Streets program, said Chakrabarti donated about $50,000 to the organization this year, and there was no peep of it on the campaign trail. Chakrabarti also donated $10,000 to the Chinatown Community Development Center, which manages a portfolio of low-income housing, including the Ping Yuen buildings in Chinatown. CCDC Executive Director Malcolm Yeung appreciated the donation, which funded operations, accounting, human resources, and the back office — areas politicians usually don’t want to fund because there’s no ribbon to cut. “There were no strings attached to this in any shape or form,” Yeung said. Chakrabarti said, “I got into politics because I saw the cost of living crushing my neighbors in this city. While I believe the real solution is fixing our broken politics — taxing the ultra-rich, including people like me, to fund housing, healthcare, and childcare for all — I try to do what I can philanthropically to support the nonprofits here that work incredibly hard to help those who need it most.” And for what it’s worth, he didn’t volunteer this information, either. Power Play heard about it from a tipster who has no reason to glaze Chakrabarti, and we dogged the candidate about it for months until he finally answered. — Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez DEALS, DELAYS, DEFICITS: After last week’s election, it looked like Mayor Daniel Lurie and the moderates had all the juice in the world. So why, just one week later, did he and District 5 Supervisor Mahmood hit the brakes on their effort to roll back the real estate transfer tax? Their vehicle was the BUILD Act, which would have reduced or eliminated the fee the city collects when real estate changes hands, with supporters arguing that lower costs would unlock development. Insiders say there were two factors: budget math and a conversation with labor. On the first item: Proposition D, the Overpaid CEO Tax, failed. Lurie opposed the tax, and Mahmood supported it, but both now have to contend with the $200 million hole its failure leaves in the city’s budget. This only exacerbated fears of a deficit and prompted city leaders to focus on raising revenue rather than cutting it. Then there was a closed-door meeting with the Building Trades where labor put its foot down, according to sources. Amid rumors that Mahmood may run for state Assembly if Wiener wins his congressional race and moves to Washington, D.C., some in the progressive housing world see Mahmood’s acquiescence to labor as an effort to curry favor with unions before launching his campaign. (Other sources said the final decision to pause the effort was the mayor’s, not Mahmood’s.) There’s also the matter of the mayor’s reputation and the likelihood of a strike if he decides to lay off city workers — a scenario that is more likely with less money in the budget. “He’s trying to be Danny Deals,” said progressive housing advocate Shanti Singh . “I don’t think he wants a bunch of angry city workers.” In any case, the pullback on the BUILD Act was news to Kyle Smeallie of the San Francisco Community Land Trust, who was instrumental in an effort to save the transfer tax this spring. “We’re surprised by the decision to abruptly pull repeal efforts, but we’re even more encouraged by what it says about the power of organized communities,” Smeallie said. “The housing crisis demands more investment in affordability, not less, and this outcome shows what can happen when people organize around that principle.” — Max Harrison-Caldwell STILL PENDING : One week after Alan Wong ’s victory in the District 4 supervisor election, Sunset politics remain unsettled. Albert Chow , the merchant leader and advocate for reopening the Great Highway and recalling former Supervisor Joel Engardio , has qualified for the November ballot, setting up the possibility of another challenge to Wong. “I will be watching Mr. Wong,” Chow said. “I’m keeping myself in the running for now.” Chow can withdraw from the race by June 30. He said he may decide not to run if Wong proves he is truly working for the Sunset. The other candidate who has qualified for the ballot is Jeremy Greco , a supporter of Sunset Dunes. Progressive candidate Natalie Gee has said she will not run . Wong won decisively this month, capturing 46% of first-choice votes. Gee and Chow finished a distant second and third, with 24% and 17%, respectively. — Han Li PAID SUPPORTERS : Failed gubernatorial candidate Tom Steyer caught heat for dumping more than $210 million of his own fortune into his race. He received some 1.9 million votes , placing third behind Xavier Becerra and Steve Hilton — which comes out to about $110 per vote. That’s still less than the roughly $127 per vote that San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan ’s campaign and independent expenditures supporting his bid spent for his nearly 309,000 votes. That might be a big hit to the budget for anyone else, but it’s no secret that Steyer and Mahan’s supporters have the cash to burn. — H.W.

SF school chief survives congressional grilling designed to embarrass her

San Francisco Unified School District Superintendent Maria Su opened her statement at Wednesday’s congressional hearing in Washington, D.C., with an admission. “As you can hear,” she said, “I am suffering from laryngitis, and I’m having a difficult time using my voice.” Three hours later, by the time the hearing closed, the laryngitis had given her more trouble than any member of Congress. After preparing with the city attorney’s office over the past few weeks, according to sources, Su presented testimony that was careful and articulate. The hearing, “Breaking Trust: Attacks on Parental Rights, Inappropriate Content, and Legal Abuses in America’s Schools,” was convened by the GOP-dominated House Committee on Education and the Workforce to question leaders of schools in San Francisco, Chicago, and Virginia’s Loudoun County on how they handle teaching about race, gender, and identity. The session featured repeated questions about “drag queen story hours,” locker room access, and transgender policies. Democratic committee members failed to engage with any of the Republican lines of inquiry and instead suggested that the hearing should have focused on budget cuts, teacher shortages, and school closures. Su took a cautious, nonconfrontational approach. Her go-to answers when questioned on issues ranging from “white supremacy culture” to transgender bathroom use were to claim that the incident in question happened before she took over as superintendent 18 months ago, and that she remains committed to a high-quality education for SFUSD students. Notably, Elise Stefanik, the Republican congresswoman from New York whose 2023 questioning preceded the resignations of two Ivy League presidents, was absent from the hearing. The partisan nature of the proceeding was broken, surprisingly, by a back-and-forth between Su and Kevin Kiley, the independent congressman from California’s third district who until recently was a registered Republican. Rather than challenge Su on where SFUSD has fallen short, Kiley used his time to praise the district for improvements on algebra in middle school, a phonics-based reading curriculum, the school board recall of 2022, the state takeover of the SFUSD budget, the effort to rename schools away from U.S. presidents, and the homegrown ethnic studies curriculum. “There have been some very good changes on all of those items in recent years,” Kiley said, before giving Su an opportunity to describe her team’s improvements. “Thank you for your leadership, and I hope this can set a good example for other districts across the state of California,” he said afterward. Early in the hearing, Su was challenged by Tim Walberg, the Michigan Republican who chairs the House Committee on Education and the Workforce. Walberg pressed Su on drag queen story hour, saying an ethnic studies teacher had promoted it as beneficial. Four times he asked at what age students should be exposed to it, and four times Su declined to directly answer. “We welcome all 49,000 students as they are,” she said. “We support our students. We work really hard.” Only when Walberg asked whether the district allows a parent with a religious objection to opt their child out of the story hour did Su answer directly: “Yes, we do.” The pattern repeated when Robert Onder, a Republican from Missouri, asked Su whether “biological men” should be allowed in locker rooms with “biological girls.” Su answered, twice, “We follow state and federal law.” Onder said he’d take that as a yes. He then pressed Su on whether her schools notify parents when a student changes gender. Su said she is not a lawyer, and the district is adjusting its practices and training staff to comply with Mirabelli v. Bonta, the Supreme Court order from March that blocked California’s gender-identity nondisclosure rules in schools. “Parents are our students’ first teachers,” she said, without answering the question directly. At times, committee members made statements about issues not within the school districts’ purview. Joe Wilson, a Republican from South Carolina, asked Chicago superintendent Macquline King if the fact that she highlights working with Planned Parenthood means she has a preferred method of carrying out an abortion. “There are different forms of abortion. Which do you support: suctioning the baby out intact, or should the baby be dismembered and part by part removing the arms, legs, head, and body? Which form of abortion do you think would be the most preferable?” Wilson asked. King responded: “I’m very disturbed by that question, and I want to say that Chicago Public Schools’ sexual education curriculum is in compliance with Illinois state law. I also would like to say that I’m here to represent Chicago Public Schools, and I’m willing to answer questions on Chicago Public Schools’ policies.” The Democrats in the hearing spent much of their time defending the superintendents. Jahana Hayes of Connecticut told them not to be intimidated. “Do not buy into the bull,” she said. Suzanne Bonamici of Oregon thanked the witnesses “for all you are doing for public education during a time when it is under attack” and said the committee was ignoring the threats parents actually worry about: ICE operations disrupting schools, gun violence, and students’ mental health. Instead, she said, the committee was focusing on “hyped-up political perceived risk.” Meredith Dodson, director of the SF Parents Coalition, which sent three members to D.C. with Su, believes the superintendent represented SFUSD well in what was perhaps the most formative challenge a city leader has faced from the federal government since President Donald Trump’s threat last summer to send in the National Guard. “While MAGA Republicans and irresponsible news outlets foment outrage to garner headlines, Superintendent Su and Democrats kept the focus on what matters: the education and support of our students,” Dodson told The Standard. Phil Kim, president of the San Francisco Board of Education, echoed Dodson’s sentiment. “There’s nothing radical about treating students with dignity,” he said. “I was really pleased to see the committee recognize the improvements we’ve made over the last two years. All of that speaks to the work we have done at SFUSD to focus on the right things.”

Mayor Lurie releases his budget next week. Here’s how Trump royally screwed it

More and more, San Francisco’s 2026 budget process is resembling a slasher flick. Shadows are dancing across City Hall’s marble-wrought grand staircase, with President Donald Trump threatening to leap into view, ready to gouge hundreds of millions from the city’s coffers. The threat is real: Roughly $2 billion of San Francisco’s $16 billion budget flows from Washington, funding hundreds of grant programs across nearly every city department. Trump has already started turning off the tap. With a $643 million deficit looming, Mayor Daniel Lurie has days to reveal how the city absorbs the pain — and who feels it most. Trump has already made real cuts to healthcare. And while San Francisco has fought back — filing more than a dozen lawsuits against the administration and winning most of them so far — a single appellate loss could imperil billions. Fear that Trump may further upend any number of federal revenue streams undergirds every hard fiscal choice in front of Lurie. On June 1, the mayor will propose his draft budget to the Board of Supervisors and voters, revealing the true extent of the bloodletting. Trump’s policy choices are projected to disenroll up to 45,000 San Franciscans from healthcare and tens of thousands from food stamps. To protect those programs, Lurie is trimming across all 55 city departments rather than gutting public health and human services, his budget director, Sophia Kittler, told The Standard. “This is a loss to the whole city,” Kittler said. “We’re treating it as a citywide deficit.” The impacts are already here. Government layoffs loom, and nonprofit social safety-net programs know they face the chopping block. In anticipation of deep layoffs, labor has signaled a historic general strike is possible next year. In the meantime, tens of thousands of San Franciscans may lose crucial services, from food stamps to doulas. So what can San Francisco do to save itself? And how devastating will the impacts be? The answers are uncertain, but the city is preparing anyway. Threats in the shadows Since it’s a city and a county, San Francisco is uniquely vulnerable to federal meddling. Large counties often administer healthcare, serving as a pass-through for federal funding, creating a single vulnerable pot of money. But the city also depends on federal and state grants, both of which are primarily funded by the federal government. Trump could whisk much of it away with the stroke of a pen or the tap of a button on his social media platform, Truth Social . Much of it is also at risk in court. San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu is litigating more than a dozen lawsuits against the federal government, most of which touch on funding to the city. “Our legal efforts to defend our communities and protect our federal funding are paying off,” Chiu said in a statement. “We have seen many early wins in the lower courts, preserving billions of dollars in federal funding for our city.” Yet the risk still persists. The largest of these suits seeks to challenge the Trump administration’s effort to axe grants for any program it deems related to diversity, equity, and inclusion. As Chiu’s office wrote , Trump’s rules sought to instill his anti-immigrant, anti-LGBTQ+, anti-choice, and anti-equity policy preferences on federal spending. A court granted a preliminary injunction against Trump imposing new restrictions on those grants last year, Chiu’s office said the decision preserved billions in funding that help San Francisco support early childhood development, critical health services, safe and effective transportation, and housing to our most vulnerable. Each lawsuit represents a distinct fiscal vulnerability, a situation that insiders speculate will prompt Lurie to budget cautiously. He doesn’t have much room for error — the city has about $433 million in its federal-risk reserve fund, which Lurie and the Board of Supervisors created last year. If the worst federal funding losses happen, it won’t be enough. One Big Beautiful screw you You might’ve noticed that downtown still isn’t the hotbed it once was. That carries economic implications, since the city largely fills its general fund coffers from taxes generated by employee-filled high rises, including property taxes. In that weakened economic state came Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act , also known as H.R. 1, which threatens to see tens of thousands of San Franciscans lose Medi-Cal coverage and CalFresh food access — which in turn will prompt a roughly $300 million, two-year loss in federal payments to San Francisco to administer those programs locally. It isn’t a straight cut. Instead, the legislation implemented stricter work and filing requirements and is projected to cause people to lose their care. The Lurie administration budgeted $34 million to help those people navigate stricter filing requirements and retain access to Medi-Cal and CalFresh, but it remains to be seen how successful the effort will be. The funding losses primarily hit the Department of Public Health and the Human Services Agency. Those program losses equal roughly half of the city’s $643 million budget deficit. Lurie’s office chose to distribute the pain of that funding loss across the city’s 55 or so departments. Kittler said the other choice would be to decimate public health programs and food stamps, and that wasn’t a choice at all. Stemming the bleeding The Board of Supervisors will haggle with the mayor over budget details throughout June. There aren’t many choices before them. The city can either cut its funding or increase its revenue. Both choices carry risk. As nonprofit leaders have told The Standard, Lurie’s intention to cut community social service programs may have downstream impacts: if nonprofits that help tenants fight their evictions lose funding, for instance, more people may pressure homeless services in the coming months. Supervisor Conie Chan, the budget chair, laid out another plan in an early-May budget briefing with reporters. She said San Francisco shouldn’t live in fear of D.C. “You can absolutely plan that way. But then what you will end up with is just cuts and cuts and cuts,” Chan said. Instead, she said, Lurie should dip into reserves until 2028, when the Overpaid CEO Tax would begin generating an estimated $300 million annually. Dipping into reserves could leave San Francisco vulnerable to other Trump cuts, which may be anathema to risk-averse Lurie. It is also wholly dependent on voters approving the tax in June. Lurie opposed the tax. But if it does pass, he’ll have one more tool to forestall the worst of Trump’s cuts, whether he wanted it or not.

Fire chief’s top aide accused of mishandling union cash

The San Francisco firefighters union is accusing a top Fire Department official, Adrienne Sims, of mishandling funds and plans to report the activity to the authorities, The Standard has learned. Sims, 54, who serves as chief of staff to SFFD Chief Dean Crispen, has been with the department since 2001. She was a board member of SF Firefighters Local 798 for eight years from 2014 to 2022, serving as treasurer for the last two. How Sims allegedly misused money from Local 798, one of the city’s most powerful labor groups, or how much was involved, is not known. It appears the allegations involve expenses Sims charged to the union in 2023. Local 798 President Sam Gebler said the union “recently identified potential irregularities involving union finances.” “This matter involves union funds — not taxpayer dollars,” he said in a statement. “As Local 798 is a private entity, this is being addressed through appropriate internal processes and, where necessary, outside authorities. Local 798 is committed to accountability and safeguarding the finances and integrity of our union. While we are limited in what we can discuss during an active review, we are taking this matter seriously and will ensure it is handled properly.” Sims, in a call with The Standard, denied any wrongdoing. Crispen and the district attorney’s office did not respond to a request for comment. The Standard obtained a video of a Zoom meeting, recorded Friday, in which Sims addresses the accusations with union officials. In the roughly four-and-a-half-minute clip, Sims denies the allegations, saying that in certain cases, there are no records of charges she made to the union. She says she intends to pay back some of her expenses. “The BFA gala that happened three years ago, I paid for because it was going to sell out,” she says in the clip, likely referring to the Black Firefighters Association. “It’s in the minutes, and it is reimbursable. I don’t have a receipt for that BFA gala, so I am having to pay the $2,500 back. There is also a golf tournament that never made it into the minutes. I was not the [union’s] treasurer at the time, and it didn’t make it into the minutes, so that’s $3,500.” In the video, Sims says she had refused to sign a letter Gebler drafted stating that she “participated in misconduct.” “I have hired my own legal counsel to represent me, because dragging my reputation through the mud is unnecessary,” she says. Sims told The Standard she has not yet hired a lawyer and did not know how much money she was accused of mishandling. Gebler declined to comment on the video. When asked if Sims has been put on leave by the SFFD, a spokesperson declined to comment. In the Zoom video and in the call with The Standard, Sims said she has been taking time off since April 1 because of “anxiety and PTSD.” She said her absence was unrelated to the allegations. “As a previous treasurer of Local 798, I do understand the responsibility of President Gebler to be transparent to the members,” Sims said. “It is really not as salacious as people would like it to be.” An SFFD spokesperson said the agency “has not been notified of any criminal or civil charges toward any employee by San Francisco Firefighters Local 798. As information becomes available, the SFFD will work with the city attorney’s office.” Local 798 represents 1,600 firefighters, paramedics, and EMTs. It’s considered one of the most influential labor groups in the city, along with the police union, and politicians eagerly seek out its endorsement. Sims is a native of San Francisco, according to an online biography from the California Firefighter Joint Apprenticeship Committee . In a March 2025 interview with KRON4, she said she was recruited to the department via a female firefighter from Station 18 in the Sunset. Sims said she had faced challenges being a female firefighter in a field dominated by men. “I’m a woman. I’m a Black woman,” she said in the interview. “There’s not a lot of us. Sometimes you do feel, and maybe it’s more self-pressure that you put on yourself, to give 110%, 120%, 200% on this job. It’s not a job that’s necessarily catered toward women.” In 2022, Mayor London Breed posted an online tribute to Sims, whom she described as a “San Francisco native and a woman of many firsts.” “Sims helps recruit the next generation of first responders through her work with the San Francisco Black Firefighters and by teaching classes nationwide as a certified firefighting instructor. She continues to be a leader and inspiration for so many of our young people,” Breed wrote.

PG&E launches $10 million PAC to take out gubernatorial candidate Tom Steyer

This article is from Power Play, a twice-weekly newsletter rounding up the latest City Hall and local politics gossip. To sign up, visit The Standard’s newsletter page . Billionaire investor Tom Steyer has vastly outspent every opponent in the 2026 race for California governor, pouring $120 million of his own cash into his campaign. Now one of the state’s most powerful and politically connected corporations is trying to give him a run for his money … just as Steyer is seeing a boost in the polls post- Eric Swalwell scandal. Pacific Gas & Electric has injected close to $10 million into an anti-Steyer PAC called “Californians for Resilient and Affordable Energy,” according to new campaign finance disclosures. The PAC is also supported by the California Electric Utility Industry Labor Management Cooperation Committee and the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Local 1245, which represents around 30,000 utility workers in California and Nevada. Though PG&E’s millions are helping the effort behind ads that rip Steyer for his Proposition 13 reforms and wealthy background, you’d have to have a quick eye to realize the utility company is somehow connected. That’s because Californians for Resilient and Affordable Energy is actually taking its money and putting it into another anti-Steyer PAC, California Is Not for Sale, the group running the ads. California Is Not for Sale is supported by the real estate and construction industry. The disclosure at the end of the ads is a block of text, with the utility nestled in as one of its top funders. So why is PG&E going after Steyer? If he becomes governor, Steyer plans to introduce electricity reforms that could end up being a threat to the company and other investor-owned utilities. Steyer has promised to appoint people to the California Public Utilities Commission who are critical of utility profits and to pull back on expensive infrastructure projects, among other changes. The anti-Steyer blitz does not rip the candidate for his proposals to “smash the utility monopolies. ” Instead, one ad skewers the candidate for his Prop. 13 reform proposal, which would increase commercial property taxes. “What’s billionaire Tom Steyer’s plan to make California more affordable? Higher property taxes,” a voice says before a record scratch. “Wait, what? That’s right … of course, billionaire Steyer doesn’t have to worry about the cost of things like groceries, electricity, or property taxes.” (Steyer’s team says his reforms would not touch residential properties.) For his part, Steyer has created cheeky videos about PG&E, including one on Valentine’s Day that poked fun at CEO Patti Poppe ’s message of “ leading with love .” “Let’s be clear, a monopoly can’t love you,” Steyer says in the video as he stands in front of the substation that caught fire in December, leading to 130,000 PG&E customers losing power . “A monopoly is an abusive relationship.” In another video, titled “ Busting Utility Monopolies ,” he ambitiously promises to cut energy costs by 25%. PG&E deferred comment to California Is Not for Sale, which said in a statement, “The only ‘big money interest’ in this race is Tom Steyer.” — Gabe Greschler Got tips? Send to us at powerplay@sfstandard.com . DEAD BILL : If PG&E is able to squelch Steyer’s momentum, it won’t be their only win this year. On Tuesday, state Sen. Scott Wiener ’s SB 875 — a bill that would give cities more power to separate from their utility company by winnowing the role of the California Public Utilities Commission — failed to pass out of the Senate committee on energy, utilities, and communications. The legislation faced stiff opposition from PG&E and other powerful private utilities, the Bay Area Council, and the California Chamber of Commerce. Opponents claimed that the bill would be disastrous for the region’s utility jobs. Scott Wetch of the California Coalition of Utility Employees said at the hearing that 1,500 jobs could be lost if San Francisco turns to public power, adding that members’ pensions would be wrecked. “At a time when California should be strengthening the grid and protecting affordability, SB 875 instead introduces cost-shifts, uncertainty, and weakened oversight,” said Joshua Levenberg , an attorney for PG&E. And in one last PG&E-related piece of news: The city’s Public Utilities Commission submitted a cost estimate Monday of how much San Francisco would need to take over the utility company’s equipment in a switch to public power. The total: $3.4 billion — about a billion more than what the city offered in 2019. PG&E told NBC Bay Area its assets are “not for sale.” Considering the budget situation, maybe the city can ask Steyer to pitch in? — G.G. DC DUO: In the race to replace Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi in Congress, one person has been conspicuously missing — Pelosi herself. Well, congressional candidate and Supervisor Connie Chan must be smiling widely, as Pelosi made an appearance at the candidate's Capitol Hill fundraiser Wednesday night, insiders told Power Play. While Politico did just spot Chan hopping out of Pelosi's office — Chan is in D.C. for a building trades conference — the San Francisco legend's hobnobbing amidst funders gnoshing on vegetable dumplings may give Chan's coffers a hopeful bump. Her fundraising lagged behind opponents Wiener and Saikat Chakrabarti , the latter of whom has self-funded to the tune of nearly $5 million . There were dozens of attendees at the fundraiser hosted by Sen. Adam Schiff , Reps. Grace Meng and Judy Chu, as well as a smattering of groups, including the Asian American Action Fund and a national Teamsters PAC. — Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez A LITTLE SUMTHIN SUMTHIN: For contractors doing business with the city, donating money to candidates whose office would deal with said contractor is an ethical nope. San Francisco bars the practice, as it reeks of seeking undue influence. But that doesn’t stop folks from trying: A San Francisco Ethics Commission audit presented this month found a preliminary count of roughly 200 restricted donors giving to 2024 campaigns. The presentation came with a caveat: The findings aren’t final. Ethics Commission staff still needs to comb through the data to verify that the process — which looked at lists of campaign donors and prohibited contractors — didn’t mistakenly match people with identical names. One takeaway from the early data: The mayor’s race was the main focus of prohibited contractor donations. Shocker. While most of the prohibited donations went to former Mayor London Breed (with a count of 58), Mark Farrell, Aaron Peskin, and Mayor Daniel Lurie all netted between 35 and 38. While the donors and politician recipients are culled from public data, naming individual donors would be problematic, considering the draft nature of the findings. Broadly, however, Lurie’s prohibited donations run the gamut from rag-tag nonprofit healthcare contractors to deep-pocketed developers. When the list is verified, don’t expect to see any big fines levied against candidates for accepting the money. All they’ve got to do is give it back. — J. F. R. MONEY HERE, MONEY THERE: For years, people running for the Board of Supervisors and the local Democratic Party board have enjoyed a Caldecott Tunnel-sized loophole in campaign finance law: While supervisor candidates are limited to $500 donations per person, Democratic Party candidates can rake in far larger amounts, often in the thousands. Much hay has been made about the alleged “ slush fund ,” which slowly faded from use until just this week. Insiders spotted the Police Officers Association donating an eyebrow-raising $2,500 to Supervisor Matt Dorsey ’s 2024 Democratic Party campaign committee . The race is long over — why do you need campaign donations? Dorsey said he used the campaign bank account for permitted “office-holder” purposes. Before the police union donations, Dorsey’s Democratic Party campaign funds paid for a poll to take the electorate’s temperature on his signature drug-free supportive housing measure . He plans to use the new donation to buy tickets for the Alice B. Toklas LGBTQ Democratic Club’s annual Pride breakfast in June. Coming up through the city attorney’s office “makes you very careful about dotting i's and crossing t's,” Dorsey said. — J.F.R. FULL OF ENERGY : Lurie’s first international trip to Asia is wrapping up after stops in Shanghai and Seoul to promote tourism, arts, and cultural exchange. Chinese-language media have largely portrayed him positively, highlighting his social-media savvy and his slogan “Let’s go, San Francisco.” Coverage also emphasized his packed schedule and high energy as he rushed between events across Shanghai. One video showed the mayor running up the stairs at the Shanghai Grand Opera House while his communications director Han Zou and a security detail struggled to keep up. “I’m a little out of breath,” the mayor said in an Instagram post afterward. Another article noted his surprise at Shanghai’s vibrant nightlife. Some Chinese media outlets apparently received a note from the mayor’s office describing Lurie as a “moderate Democrat” who supports “cracking down on crime and improving public safety,” with an approval rating of 70% . In Korea, Lurie also toured the National Museum of Modern and Contemporary Art and the Global Business Complex site, where San Francisco’s Exploratorium is partnering with Hyundai Motor Group to open a new hands-on science museum. He will travel to Virginia for a conference after the Asia trip and is scheduled to return to San Francisco on Saturday. — Han Li

Jackie Fielder requests three-month leave of absence after mental health crisis

Supervisor Jackie Fielder has requested three months off from attending City Hall meetings following a mental health crisis. Fielder made the request of the clerk of the Board of Supervisors on Tuesday, asking to be excused from board and committee meetings through June. “For personal reasons, I am respectfully requesting that I be excused from the Board of Supervisors,” Fielder wrote. The excusal requires a vote of the board at each meeting. The amount of time off Fielder has requested is nearly unheard of, but so are the supervisor’s recent hardships. Fielder checked into a hospital in late March amid a mental health crisis that led her to publicly consider resignation. She has represented a heavily Latino community amid Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids and weathered a recent investigation into the leak of a confidential memo that led her staff to be interviewed by the city attorney’s office. Her district includes the Mission, Bernal Heights, Potrero Hill, and other neighborhoods. In a statement last week, her staffers said they would continue to provide neighborhood services in Fielder’s absence. Other offices have occasionally dealt with absences such as District 3, which includes Chinatown and North Beach, when Supervisor Danny Sauter went on paternity leave. Last week, supporters left flowers and notes with supportive affirmations outside Fielder’s City Hall office. “Rest is resistance,” one said. “You are needed.”

Sheryl Davis faces 19 criminal charges. Her supporters are still ride or die

Sheryl Davis, a once-renowned figure in San Francisco’s Black community who oversaw the distribution of tens of millions of taxpayer dollars in the post-George Floyd era, had her first day in court Thursday after being arrested on a slew of corruption charges. It didn’t stop her from bringing an entourage. More than two dozen supporters crowded the Hall of Justice hallway, and a handful closed in as a phalanx to block photographers waiting to capture Davis’ entrance to court. Davis was in court to enter a plea on 19 charges — including 17 felonies — related to a corruption scheme she allegedly ran as head of the city’s Human Rights Commission. Her codefendant, James Spingola, who has close personal ties with Davis and once led the nonprofit Collective Impact, has been charged with four counts of felony aiding and abetting a conflict of interest in a government contract. Davis pleaded not guilty to the charges. Her attorney Anthony Brass said they “deny all allegations.” Davis’ supporters remain convinced of her innocence. Margaret Brodkin, former director of the Department of Children, Youth, and Their Families, called the allegations against Davis “flawed and distorted.” “James Spingola and Sheryl Davis are two of the most dedicated and skilled service providers, program developers, and community leaders in the city in many decades,” Brodkin said. “Treating them like criminals is itself a crime.” Also showing up in support was Kevin Ortiz, former president of the San Francisco Latino Democratic Club, who was part of the group that surrounded Davis as she entered the court. Ortiz, who has been accused of sexual misconduct , said he was in court in an official capacity as a paralegal for law firm Quadra & Coll, which is representing Davis in civil matters related to the changes. Most of Davis’ cheering squad declined to speak to The Standard. In the packed courtroom, one woman stuck her middle finger at the group of photographers. Others in the room shot dirty looks at reporters. Davis kept her head high during the proceedings and was seen chewing gum. The charges against Davis stem from her involvement in the Dream Keeper Initiative — a signature program of former Mayor London Breed that was managed by the Human Rights Commission — to bolster programming for the Black community and other nonprofits. The Human Rights Commission investigates discrimination complaints, advises the city leadership on civil rights issues, and works to ensure equal access to city services and contracting. It was merged, along with another scandal-ridden agency, the Department on the Status of Women, into the Agency on Human Rights during Daniel Lurie’s first year as mayor. Prosecutors allege Davis sent nearly $8.5 million in Dream Keeper grants — and other city funds — to Collective Impact despite clear conflicts of interest, including that she and Spingola lived together. The charges also allege that Davis’ son reaped benefits from entities that received Dream Keeper Initiative funds. Davis signed contracts for millions of dollars to the nonprofit Homeless Children’s Network, which paid her son more than $140,000 as a contractor between 2021 and 2024. Those payments were for questionable work and were deposited into a bank account held jointly by Davis and her son, according to court documents. Collective Impact also paid $45,000 on payroll, rent, and graduate school tuition for Davis’ son, prosecutors say. Prosecutors say Davis used a combination of city and Collective Impact funds to pay for personal expenses, including a PR firm promoting her personal brand, marketing her children’s book, and flight upgrades. They also allege she spent hundreds of thousands of dollars in city money on tables and VIP admissions to events in Beverly Hills, Martha’s Vineyard, and New York City. She also directed spending through an entity called Megablack, which District Attorney Brooke Jenkins described as a community initiative with no formal nonprofit status, no leadership structure, and no state registration. Funds raised for Megablack flowed into Collective Impact’s bank accounts, and prosecutors allege Davis steered those dollars toward expenses that the Human Rights Commission — as a city agency — would not have been permitted to make, including paying for musicians, banquets, and a wine-tasting event. Brass said Davis has been forthcoming about her role as a city official with nonprofit connections. “I have a lot of questions about the processes within the mayor’s office and the city attorney’s office,” Brass said. “This is a person who was asking for more transparency. She asked to be audited. She actively wanted to give up her power. And she has proactively announced her conflicts of interest. I’m very curious how they have a criminal case based on her conduct.” Representatives of the Human Rights Commission declined to comment. Davis’ tenure at the Human Rights Commission, which she joined in 2016, ended in 2024 after The Standard reported that she had signed off on city contracts worth at least $1.5 million to Spingola while the two were living together. The revelations created a scandal for Breed, who was in the middle of a reelection bid and said she was aware of the “very close” relationship between Davis and Spingola. The district attorney’s office cited The Standard’s reporting in its arrest warrant. Jenkins said $350,000 of misused funds represents a combination of misappropriated Dream Keeper Initiative funds and Proposition Q funds administered through Davis’ department. Jenkins acknowledged that the total could grow as the investigation continues. The investigation involved more than 50 search warrants and a large volume of emails between Davis and third parties. Jenkins said her office received tips through its Public Integrity Unit and determined that there was sufficient basis to open a criminal investigation, which was launched after Davis had left office. Jenkins declined to say whether Breed had knowledge of the alleged misconduct, noting only that charges were filed against those prosecutors believe committed crimes. She didn’t implicate Breed. “We have to hold government actors accountable,” Jenkins added, “certainly when they are abusing the trust of San Franciscans and abusing taxpayer dollars.” Davis’ arrest followed charges levied against other key figures in the San Francisco nonprofit world. Gwendolyn Westbrook , the former head of a homeless services nonprofit, was accused in February of misappropriating more than $1.2 million in public funds. In 2024, another former nonprofit executive, Kyra Worthy, was charged with 34 felonies for the alleged misuse of $700,000 in public funds. On Thursday, Davis left the courtroom as she entered it, surrounded by supporters. She is due to return May 6.

‘Knife fight’ politics take a mental health toll on SF leaders

Janice Li was riding high in November 2018, freshly elected to the BART board of directors after years of advocacy work for safer streets at the San Francisco Bicycle Coalition. Her victory was decisive, with a 12-point win over her nearest rival. She had earned the right to celebrate. But Li couldn’t bring herself to leave her apartment. The following weeks were marred by panic attacks and anxiety. “There’s no feeling quite like being in elected office and the loneliness that you face,” Li said. Local officials are opening up about how holding office has affected their mental health after Supervisor Jackie Fielder checked into a hospital amid a mental health crisis that led her to publicly consider resignation. Her tenure on the Board of Supervisors has been brief but intense. For just over a year, Fielder has represented a heavily Latino community amid Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids, dealt with a drug crisis that has moved into the heart of her district, and weathered a recent investigation into the leak of a confidential memo that has put her office in the city attorney’s sights. San Francisco politics are often described as a “knife fight in a phone booth,” a phrase coined by David Chiu, now the city attorney. The city’s unique brutality has for decades sharpened politicians — from the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein to Gov. Gavin Newsom — preparing them for higher office. But some say there’s a painful personal cost to San Francisco’s unrelenting gladiatorial politics. It bloodies as many people as it hones. Li has for years spoken frankly about her mental health struggles, while the stigma has held others back. Women, people of color, and queer politicians can face more scrutiny, Li said, especially when they’re young and new to office. But she was determined to not let the pressure end her career. She found solace in a tight-knit friend group of early-career LGBTQ+ Asian politicos, including Board of Education Commissioner Phil Kim and Entertainment Commission member Cyn Wang. That support, therapy, and Li’s own acumen bolstered her continued success on the BART board, where she has served as vice president and president. Now Li reaches out to freshman politicians to ensure that they too enjoy peer support; among them is Ruth Ferguson, 31, whom Mayor Daniel Lurie appointed in January to the City College of San Francisco board of trustees. Ferguson weathered harassment working in the state Legislature in the 2020s, which she reported in formal complaints and called out publicly. But it left her with diagnosed PTSD, which has flared in the San Francisco political fray. In a city proud of its self-described acceptance of people of all backgrounds, and at a time of unprecedented awareness of social inequities, Ferguson experienced even more vitriol, particularly against herself and other women. There’s the everyday condescension, and then there’s the rage. Last month, a local political gadfly wrote to her in a Facebook message calling her a “skank bitch” for backing a ballot measure to institute stricter Board of Supervisors term limits. Comments on Fielder’s mental health crisis and leave from office took a similar disturbing tone. Online trolls accused her of hiding a sexually transmitted disease, and more. “I don’t think it needs to be this way,” Ferguson said. Rigel Robinson was elected to the Berkeley City Council in 2018 and soon faced a similar kind of hate. He was stalked, threatened, and harassed over his support for a housing development near People’s Park. The pressure led him to resign in 2024. He’s now a consultant for the Bay Area Council, working remotely from Paris, where his wife pursues her dream career as a bioengineer. “I treasured my time in elected office and am deeply proud of the work I got done for my city,” he said by text message. “But I am also proud to have left when I did.” Former San Francisco Supervisor Jane Kim, who is running to be state insurance commissioner, said she has seen the city’s hard-knuckle politics drum out good public servants, especially young women. Even the regular practice of updating constituents via social media can make you feel exposed, Kim said. “Whenever I’ve run for office, whenever I’ve been in office, the sensation is you feel raw all the time, like all your skin is peeled off, so the wind is just blowing into your body without any form of protection,” she said. Running a campaign for statewide office is not nearly as stressful as a local race in San Francisco, Kim said, where politicians have far more face time with opponents and critics. San Francisco’s dense, 7x7-mile peninsula means running into opponents three times a night and having lobbyists accost you at restaurants. There’s no escape. Two years after leaving San Francisco public office in 2019, Kim had bloodwork done. Every metric showed that she was far healthier than she had been in years. “Clearly, my body kept receipts,” she said.

Asian Art Museum

Office of the City Administrator

Adult Probation Department

Airport

Arts Commission

Office of the Assessor-Recorder

Board of Appeals

Office of the Clerk of the Board of Supervisors

Office of the City Attorney

Department of Children, Youth and Their Families

Controller's Office

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Department of Public Health

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Office of Economic and Workforce Development

Environment Department

Ethics Commission

Fine Arts Museums

Fire Department

Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing

Human Rights Commission

Department of Human Resources

Human Services Agency

Health Service System

Juvenile Probation Department

Public Library

Municipal Transportation Agency

Office of the Mayor

Public Defender's Office

Police Department

Port

Public Utilities Commission

Recreation and Park Department

Department of Elections

Retirement System

Rent Board

Sheriff's Department Office of Inspector General

Sheriff's Department

Department of Technology

Office of the Treasurer & Tax Collector

War Memorial

Department on the Status of Women

General City Responsibilities

General Administration & Finance

Culture & Recreation

Community Health

Human Welfare & Neighborhood Development

Public Works, Transportation & Commerce

Public Protection

SF Civil Grand Jury

SF Superior Court

SF Superior Court Presiding Judge

judicial assignments; court administration (CRC 10.603); CEO direction

The Abatement Appeals Board provides a final review process for City permitting decisions. It ensures fair and efficient adjudication of permit-related disputes before an impartial panel. The board holds authority to make binding decisions on appeals concerning notices of abatement.

Abatement Appeals Board

Abatement Appeals Board Commissioner 1

Abatement Appeals Board Commissioner 2

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Abatement Appeals Board Commissioner 7

The Access Appeals Commission provides final reviews for a wide range of City permitting decisions. It ensures an efficient, fair, and expeditious permit issuance process through an impartial panel. The commission holds authority to make binding decisions on appeals related to City permits.

Access Appeals Commission

Access Appeals Commission Commissioner 1

Access Appeals Commission Commissioner 2

Access Appeals Commission Commissioner 3

Access Appeals Commission Commissioner 4

Access Appeals Commission Commissioner 5

The Adult Day Health Care Planning Council advises on the development and improvement of adult day health care services. It provides expertise in healthcare planning, policy recommendations, and program evaluation. Key responsibilities include assessing community needs and advising on service delivery enhancements.

Adult Day Health Care Planning Council

Adult Probation Department supervises individuals on probation and facilitates their reintegration into the community. It provides reentry and rehabilitative services, including victim restitution and financial assistance for crime victims. The department values public safety, offender rehabilitation, and community partnerships.

Cristel Tullock

The Advisory Committee of Street Artists and Crafts Examiners evaluates arts and crafts applicants and monitors program compliance. It conducts studio visits and public screenings to ensure adherence to established criteria. Members also revise program criteria and undertake additional tasks as needed.

Advisory Committee of Street Artists and Crafts Examiners

The Advisory Council on Human Rights advises on anti-discrimination laws and racial equity initiatives. It provides expertise on reparations and public policy impacts on Black communities. It guides efforts to establish partnerships with Historically Black Colleges and Universities in San Francisco.

Advisory Council on Human Rights

San Francisco Airport manages air traffic operations and ensures safe aircraft movement. It provides parking facilities and maintains airport infrastructure to accommodate travelers and staff. The department oversees ground transportation and coordinates with airlines for efficient passenger services.

Mike Nakornkhet

The Airport Commission oversees policy and strategic planning for San Francisco International Airport. It makes key decisions on airport development projects and financial management. It ensures compliance with regulations and collaborates on initiatives like terminal naming.

Airport Commission

Airport Commission Commissioner 1

Malcolm Yeung

Jose F. Almanza

Mark Buell

Susan Leal

Airport Director

Animal Care and Control Department manages animal sheltering, adoption, and emergency response services. It enforces animal-related laws and regulations, ensuring the humane treatment and safety of animals. The department also provides public education on responsible pet ownership and animal welfare.

Animal Care and Control Department

Virginia Donohue

Animal Care and Control Department, Director

The San Francisco Arts Commission oversees the integration of arts into city life and ensures public access to cultural experiences. It makes decisions on public art programs and allocates grants to support local artists and performances. The commission actively shapes policies affecting the arts ecosystem in San Francisco.

Arts Commission Commissioner 1

Arts Commission Commissioner 2

Arts Commission Commissioner 3

Arts Commission Commissioner 4

Debra Walker

Suzanne Ferras

Jessica Rothschild

Seth Brenzel

JD Beltran

Marcus Shelby

J Riccardo Benavides

Nabiel Musleh

Charles (Chuck) Collins

Lydia So

Arts Commission Commissioner 15

San Francisco Arts Commission invests in a vibrant arts community and shapes cultural policy. It enlivens the urban environment through public art programs and supports diverse artistic expressions. The commission facilitates meetings and discussions to engage the community in cultural development.

Ralph Remington

Arts Commission, Director of Cultural Affairs

The Asian Art Commission determines policy and administers the Asian Art Museum of San Francisco. It oversees museum operations and collaborates with the Asian Art Museum Foundation on fundraising efforts. Commissioners ensure the museum's strategic direction and financial sustainability.

Asian Art Commission

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 1

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Asian Art Commission Commissioner 25

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 26

Asian Art Commission Commissioner 27

Asian Art Museum showcases Asian art and culture through exhibitions and educational programs. It offers diverse collections and hosts special events to engage the community. The museum fosters cultural appreciation and understanding by providing access to its extensive art collections.

Dr. Soyoung Lee

Asian Art Museum, Director

The Assessment Appeals Board #1 hears property tax assessment appeals in San Francisco. It evaluates evidence presented by taxpayers and the Assessor to determine property values. The Board has the authority to make final decisions on assessments regardless of property type or value.

Assessment Appeals Board #1

Assessment Appeals Board #1 Commissioner 1

Assessment Appeals Board #1 Commissioner 2

Richard Lee

Stephen Wasserman

Adena Gilbert

Paul Bellar

Quirina Mitchell

Hilary Winslow

The Assessment Appeals Board #2 adjudicates property tax assessment appeals for San Francisco taxpayers. It evaluates evidence presented by taxpayers and the Assessor to determine accurate property values. The Board exercises authority to render final decisions on residential properties and specific real estate assessments.

Assessment Appeals Board #2

Assessment Appeals Board #2 Commissioner 1

Assessment Appeals Board #2 Commissioner 2

Assessment Appeals Board #2 Commissioner 3

Claire Ervin Lee

Louisa Mendoza

Joyce Lewis

Nicholas Goldman

Michelle Domingo

The Assessment Appeals Board #3 provides a platform for San Francisco taxpayers to contest property tax assessments. It conducts hearings where evidence from both taxpayers and the Assessor is evaluated. The Board makes binding decisions on property assessments based on presented evidence.

Assessment Appeals Board #3

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 1

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 2

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 3

Marc Dickow

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 5

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 6

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 7

Assessment Appeals Board #3 Commissioner 8

Assesses property, applies exemptions, collects transfer taxes, and records official documents.

Assessor-Recorder

Joaquín Torres